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51.
Mordecai Lee 《Journal of Public Affairs (14723891)》2002,2(2):33-43
Public reporting is a requirement for public affairs practitioners in public administration because of the democratic context in which government operates. By reporting to the public‐at‐large on agency activities, government agencies contributed to an informed citizenry, the essential foundation of a democracy. For public affairs in business administration and non‐profit administration, public reporting is desirable rather than mandatory. Public reporting was traditionally accomplished indirectly, through news media coverage of government. However, recent research suggests a diminution of interest by the media in fulfilling its role as an instrument of democracy. This means that the public reporting obligation of public affairs professionals in public administration needs to shift to direct reporting, through such products as annual reports, newsletters, TV programmes, Internet websites etc. Copyright © 2002 Henry Stewart Publications. 相似文献
52.
顾行超 《中央社会主义学院学报》2002,(4):29-33
新世纪朗月风清的统战形势容易使人滋生激进主义思潮。本文在略陈现实与历史的激进主义思潮 ,剖析其成因的基础上 ,不揣浅陋地提出自觉消除激进主义思潮的一些新思考 ,以求正于方家。 相似文献
53.
Abstract This study aims to explore parents’ lived experiences of receiving child neglect allegations and how they make sense of these experiences. The sample consists of parents who participated in a family preservation program following allegations of child neglect. Semi-structured interviews were conducted and analyzed using interpretative phenomenological analysis (IPA). The findings suggest that parents resist neglect allegations, both by denial and minimization, partly due to their lack of clear understanding of what constitutes child neglect. Further, parents in this study tended to be reactive to meanings ascribed to the label of child neglect rather than the allegations per se. They seemed to experience internal conflict between their positive evaluations of their own parenting and what their neglect allegations might imply about their parenting. Parents also experienced emotional distress, such as concern about social stigma and fear of losing their parental rights, as they tried to make sense of their current situations. Suggested implications for practice include exploring parents’ subjective understanding of their allegations and considering their unique familial and sociocultural contexts from the outset of their involvement with child protective services (CPS) in order to build a collaborative working alliance. 相似文献
54.
Ahmet Erdi Öztürk 《Southeast European and Black Sea Studies》2019,19(1):79-98
ABSTRACTSince roughly 2011, the Turkish state and the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) have been going through a process of mutual transformation. Some of the historical apprehensions, biases and frustrations exhibited by Turkey as a middle power have been absorbed by the relatively reformist AKP. Conversely, the AKP and its undisputed leader Erdo?an have seen their socio-political fears, power based conflicts and ethno-religious desires become dominant in all areas, including religion. As a consequence of this bilateral transformation, Turkey has become both an inclusionary and a hegemonic-authoritarian state, and at the same time a weak one. Within this new identity and structure of the state, Sunni Islam has become one of the regime’s key focal points, with a new logic. This article seeks to explain the transformation of the relations between the AKP’s Turkish state, religion and religious groups, by scrutinising Karrie Koesel’s logic of state-religion interaction in authoritarian regimes. 相似文献
55.
Nil Mutluer 《Southeast European and Black Sea Studies》2019,19(1):99-118
ABSTRACTThis article argues that in the AKP era, gender and sexuality play a central role in reshaping the secular-religious divide to instil ‘yeni milli’ (new national) – or as AKP members call it, ‘yerli ve milli’ (homegrown and national)- values. Adopting a feminist and reflexive approach, this article seeks to demonstrate that Erdo?an and the AKP have used gender and sexuality-related issue areas not as diversions to highjack the public agenda, as it is often assumed, but as a medium to regulate the neoliberal redistribution of conservative values. After a brief presentation of the historical background of the gendered evolution of the secular-religious divide in Turkish politics, this article focuses on the following three particular cases: the policies and discourse on LGBTI rights; the link that was established between the reproductive rights of women and ethnic identity; and how the AKP created new types of ‘other men’ and ‘other women.’ The article also seeks to show that in each case the meanings attributed to the secular and the religious in the secular-religious divide have shifted accordingly and that shift was reflective of, and was used to instil the particular set of values supportive of particular political positions. 相似文献
56.
Trade Measures and Climate Compliance: Institutional Interplay Between WTO and the Marrakesh Accords
Olav?Schram stokkeEmail author 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2004,4(4):339-357
This article examines the potential of trade measures to induce more climate-friendly policies, focusing on the relationship between global trade rules and the Kyoto climate regime. At the core of this interplay is the normative consistency of trade-related rules in the two regimes and any hierarchical relationship between them. The stronger clout of the WTO and its compulsory dispute settlement system suggest that issues involving competing claims would be referred to WTO bodies. Such bodies have so far been restrictive regarding the exceptions in WTO agreements to the general ban on embargoes and discrimination. The normative compatibility of the two regimes will also depend on their participatory interplay, specifically how they differentiate groups of actors as to rights and obligations. Non-members of WTO receive the least protection, and their vulnerability to climate-related trade measures is largely determined by their interdependence with states that consider employment of such measures. Among WTO members, the findings of a dispute settlement body would presumably differ depending on the status of the target under the Kyoto Protocol. A non-complier with Kyoto commitments would be more shielded than a non-party, because by joining the Kyoto regime a non-complier has exposed itself to regime-internal and less trade intrusive measures that should be exhausted first. A third dimension of interplay is linkage, or efforts to influence the regime interplay. To date there has only been moderate cross-agency coordination, but considerable attention is paid within each regime, including in the Millennium Round of trade negotiations, to the desirability of avoiding conflict between them. 相似文献
57.
最近几年的村民委员会改选实现了真正的民主选举。村级民主选举将从根本上动摇村干部配合乡镇政府乱收费的行为,但这会强化乡镇政府所属的众多的站、所、室及公司直接进入市场,征收费用。乡镇政府的市场介入会导致巨大的效率损失。因此,有必要规范乡镇政府行为,而实现乡镇级民主选举则是规范乡镇政府行为的必然选择。而且,从笔者论证的结果和选举实践来看,在我国实行乡镇级民主选举是可行的。 相似文献
58.
壮族人群3个STR基因座基因频率分布及其法医学应用 总被引:6,自引:0,他引:6
研究3个STR基因座(D21S11、HumFGA、D19S253)在广西壮族人群中的基因频率分布及其在实际检案中的应用价值。以自制等位基因Ladder样品作为标准对照,用PCR结合PAGE技术对3个STR基因座的扩增产物进行分型。结果显示:D21S11基因座有14个等位基因,有44个基因型;HumFGA基因座有15个等位基因,40个基因型;D195253基因座有9个等位基因,23个基因型。经检验,3个STR基因座基因型分布均符合Hardy-Weinberg平衡,累计个体识别力(DP)为0.9995。3个STR基因座在壮族人群属高识别力遗传标记系统,在法医学个体识别及亲权鉴定方面有重要价值。 相似文献
59.
草鱼胆汁提取物急性中毒的实验病理 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
研究草鱼胆汁提取物(鲤醇硫酸酯钠)对小鼠毒性作用的病理变化及其作用机制。按1.5LD50、1.0LD50和0.5LD50的剂量给昆明小鼠1次腹腔注射1%鲤醇硫酸酯钠溶液和按0.5LD50的剂量给昆明小鼠多次腹腔注射1%的鲤醇硫酸酯钠溶液,观察中毒小鼠各主要脏器的病理变化。中毒小鼠主要脏器的病理变化与草鱼胆汁中毒十分相似:心肌细胞水肿,严重者可见灶性肌溶解坏死;肾小管上皮细胞变性、坏死,肾小球滤过膜各层均有不同程度的病变。通过酶组织化学方法发现鲤醇硫酸酯钠对心肌SDH及CCO有明显的抑制作用。鲤醇硫酸酯钠是草鱼胆汁的主要毒性成分之一。 相似文献
60.
Asma Vranaki 《The Modern law review》2008,71(2):271-279
This note examines the decision of the House of Lords in Lonsdale (t/a Lonsdale Agencies) v Howard & Hallam Limited 1 where the House of Lords were asked to rule on the correct method to be applied when calculating the compensation of commercial agents 2 under Regulation 17 of The Commercial Agents (Council Directive) Regulations 1993 3 (the Regulations). This ruling settles this aspect of the law in England and Wales after almost fifteen years of legal and commercial uncertainty on the matter. 相似文献