Unexpected Persistence Amidst Enlargement Stasis: Usages of Europe in Turkey’s Nuclear Energy Debate

Recent studies on European Union (EU) Enlargement have emphasised the importance of usages of ‘Europe’ by domestic actors as a necessary condition for the EU to have an impact on domestic politics. We study the usages of Europe in the critical case of Turkey’s nuclear energy policy. We analyse the narratives and actions of domestic actors in Turkey to identify if they use ‘Europe’ (the EU and the idea of Europe). We reach the counter-intuitive finding of usages by both state and non-state actors, which illustrates that usages of Europe can persist despite enlargement stasis in candidate states.     

Anomalous authoritarianism: what,which, why?

Research on autocracies has gained new momentum in the last decade. One element of this research is the observation that some autocracies are characterised by structural conditions that are normally conducive for democracy. These ‘anomalous autocracies’ have high levels of socioeconomic development and democratic neighbour countries. The study of these cases might expose factors that are decisive for autocratic stability and studying them might give us a better understanding of barriers towards democratisation. This paper contributes to the growing literature on autocracies by mapping anomalous autocracies during the third wave of democratisation, thereby paving the way for systematic case selection in future studies. A large-N analysis of 159 cases (1975–2008) identifies Belarus, Chile, China, Cuba, Morocco, North Korea, Peru, Singapore, Swaziland, Togo and Zimbabwe. In a second step, the paper lays out a theoretical framework that centres on actors and institutions. Rulers must establish elite–elite and elite–mass interaction, and this papers argues that they can do so through quasi-compliance of elites and the masses based on traditional institutions woven into a dominant party. The paper uses the framework to tentatively examine the resilience of authoritarian rule in Swaziland and Morocco, two most-different anomalous cases. In both cases, an elaborate traditional institution has co-opted government, business and rural elites and coordinated interaction within elite circles and with the masses, in turn enabling the remarkable regime resilience.     

From rural rebellions to urban riots: political competition and changing patterns of violent political revolt in Uganda

Violent political revolt has been common in independent Uganda. For a long time, such revolts were exclusively expressed as rural-based rebel groups fighting the government. Since the mid-2000s, however, this seems to have come to an end. Instead, urban riots, very rare in the past, have become much more common. This article analyses these changing patterns of types and location of violent political revolt in Uganda under the National Resistance Movement government. It argues that the earlier prevalence of rural rebellions can be explained by the combination of a coercive and militarised state, and weak and ethnically factionalised political forces who took their violent resistance to rural regional bases. Over time, however, government counter-insurgency became more effective and the conditions for insurgency were undermined by withdrawal of external support. Furthermore, the reintroduction of multi-party politics in 2005 opened up new avenues for political expression. The changes to the political system were, however, more nominal than real in many respects. While the rebel option had become less attractive and feasible, a series of social, economic and political grievances remained which were only partly channelled through party politics. They also found expression through sporadic urban violent revolt.     

Two sides of the same coin: can campaigns generate support for both human rights and retributive violence?

ABSTRACT

Do framing strategies that are effective at encouraging pro-social behavior, such as participation in human rights campaigns, also mobilize support for violence within the same subjects? We use an experimental research design to examine individuals’ reactions to personal, humanizing narratives about past victimization. Participants are randomly assigned to one of eight treatment groups, which variously highlighted the humanity of the subject, the intensity of the past violence, and/or an evocative photograph of the subject that underscores her loss and vulnerability. We expect narratives that emphasize the subject’s humanity will encourage the audience to see the subject as innocent and as a victim, but also to feel angry about her experience. As a result, individuals will be more likely to defend the subject’s human rights, and to condone her use of retributive violence. We find that humanizing narratives lead respondents to simultaneously support a human rights appeal on the subject’s behalf and her use of retributive violence. Perceiving the subject in the narrative as innocent or as a victim mediates these effects, but anger often does not.     

吉林省参与图们江区域国际合作开发的问题与对策

以多国合作为特征的图们江区域经济合作开发项目近几年有了实质性的进展,各成员国加强了务实开发的力度。中朝“路港区”工程、中俄“路港关”工程、中蒙“两山”工程等开始启动,并有了一个较好的开端。但对于吉林省来讲,当前又遇到了对外通道未能真正顺利打开、跨国边境经济合作区没有形成完整的互动机制、市场贸易主体也未得到真正确立等问题。为此应加快推进图们江区域国际经济合作。     

加强山东与日韩经济合作的路径分析

山东与韩国和日本在经济合作上有着得天独厚的地缘和资源优势,同时也存在着诸多的制约因素。加强山东与日韩经济合作的路径应是在有效弥合双方差异的同时加大克服自身缺陷的力度,积极参与东北亚经济合作,加大研发投入;加大农业科技开发力度,提高农产品的国际竞争力;实施差异化发展战略,构建区域一体化新机制;着力发展制造业,实现产业升级换代。     

全球化视野下的反腐败国际合作

当下,腐败现象已成为许多国家共同关注的一种国际公害。腐败犯罪越来越呈现出复杂化、有组织化、国际化的趋势。面对日益突出的外逃、外流、外失潮流,加强打击跨国腐败犯罪合作就显得尤为迫切和必要。应从从全球化的视角,在经济、政治、社会、文化等场域下加强反腐败国际合作的内在价值和外在要求,进而完善反腐败国际合作的具体举措。     

侦查目的的社会学考察——以国家与市民社会的关系为框架

侦查作为国家调节社会的一种手段,其目的的研究不应仅从刑事诉讼的狭隘的视角进行考察,而且还要从社会学的角度进行界定。以国家与市民社会的“良性互动”为框架界定侦查目的,对侦查构造、刑事诉讼构造的改革具有基础性的意义。     

习近平国家制度与法律制度思想论要

习近平国家制度与法律制度思想是马克思主义国家与法的学说中国化进程的最新重大理论成果,实现了马克思主义国家与法的学说中国化的第三次历史性飞跃.面对许多具有新的历史特点的伟大斗争,习近平以马克思主义的巨大理论勇气和坚韧行动意志,从历史与现实、理论与实践的有机结合上,深入分析了推进当代中国国家制度与法律制度建设的重大意义,精...     

俄罗斯联邦国务委员会的起源、发展及作用——基于国家权力结构变迁视角

叶利钦执政早期,国务委员会充分发挥了协调整合行政权力的功能,使俄国家权力结构避免了宪制改革后的严重混乱失衡.1993年《俄罗斯联邦宪法》颁布后,俄罗斯的国家权力结构趋于多元化,国务委员会既无法解决中央层面的总统与立法机关的结构矛盾,又无法解决源自地方分裂主义的"央地"权力结构松散,因而归于沉寂.2000年普京开始执政后重设国务委员会.尤其在2004年"别斯兰事件"发生后,俄罗斯的国家权力结构再度集中,系统性压力激增,国务委员会的作用不断被强化,国务委员会的事务性工作人员得到扩充,工作机制和议事规则得到进一步规范.2008—2012年,国务委员会成为紧密联系"央地"的关键纽带,在一定程度上,维系了国家政治局势的稳定发展.2012年,在普京第三任期,其成功地协调了因"统一俄罗斯"党崛起而引起的联邦中央权力结构张力,缓解了央地行政层面的权力结构矛盾.2020年修宪后,国务委员会的作用向协助总统整合"全联邦"国家权力的方向转变.同时,"国务委员会"获得宪法地位,成为宪法性权力机关.