全文获取类型
收费全文 | 1832篇 |
免费 | 106篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 113篇 |
工人农民 | 42篇 |
世界政治 | 80篇 |
外交国际关系 | 159篇 |
法律 | 340篇 |
中国共产党 | 139篇 |
中国政治 | 338篇 |
政治理论 | 237篇 |
综合类 | 490篇 |
出版年
2024年 | 8篇 |
2023年 | 9篇 |
2022年 | 28篇 |
2021年 | 29篇 |
2020年 | 67篇 |
2019年 | 39篇 |
2018年 | 40篇 |
2017年 | 56篇 |
2016年 | 54篇 |
2015年 | 39篇 |
2014年 | 110篇 |
2013年 | 174篇 |
2012年 | 138篇 |
2011年 | 124篇 |
2010年 | 100篇 |
2009年 | 109篇 |
2008年 | 96篇 |
2007年 | 100篇 |
2006年 | 100篇 |
2005年 | 127篇 |
2004年 | 125篇 |
2003年 | 95篇 |
2002年 | 73篇 |
2001年 | 55篇 |
2000年 | 30篇 |
1999年 | 7篇 |
1998年 | 3篇 |
1997年 | 1篇 |
1995年 | 1篇 |
1991年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有1938条查询结果,搜索用时 78 毫秒
71.
创造良好外部环境 促进中小企业发展 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
汤虹玲 《广东行政学院学报》2001,13(1):63-66
中小企业的发展受到许多外部条件的制约 ,如 :缺乏统一的宏观管理体制 ;缺乏公平的经济政策环境 ;融资环境不顺畅 ;社会化服务体系和法律保障体系不健全等。为促进我国中小企业的发展 ,结合我国国情 ,提出如下建议 :解放思想 ,转变观念 ;建立统一的中小企业管理机构 ;建立政策性融资渠道 ;发展创新直接融资渠道和间接融资渠道 ;建立健全社会化服务体系以及法律保障体系 相似文献
72.
丁天 《广东行政学院学报》2001,13(1):5-8
提高民族自尊心和自信心具有重要的意义 ,它可以坚定中国人民走自己的路 ,使中国人民信心百倍地把自己的事情做得更好 ,坚定不移地走建设有中国特色的社会主义道路。提高民族自尊心和自信心的基本思路是 :坚持中国共产党的领导 ;坚持独立自主的方针 ;加快我国经济的发展速度 ;进行民族团结和社会稳定的教育 ;加强革命传统的教育 ;用中华民族的血泪史教育广大青少年和人民群众 ;发扬自力更生和艰苦奋斗的创业精神 ;批判资本主义制度的虚伪性 ;弘扬振兴中华的爱国主义 相似文献
73.
Shabnam J. Holliday 《Third world quarterly》2016,37(5):917-933
Drawing on Laclau’s concept of populist discourse and Gramsci’s ‘national–popular collective will’, and using the case of Iran, this article puts forward the idea of the legacy of subalternity in the context of post-revolution governments. The concept of ‘national–popular collective will’ facilitates an understanding of how the popular subject is constructed and the meanings embedded in that process. It is argued that Islamic Republic elites articulate a populist discourse that constructs the ‘self’ (the Islamic Republic) as synonymous with ‘the people’. Embedded in this discursive construction is a legacy of subalternity that goes back to the 1979 Revolution’s populist discourse. 相似文献
74.
Stevo Đurašković 《Nationalities Papers》2016,44(5):772-788
Most scholarship on post-Communist Croatia claims that the first Croatian president, Franjo Tu?man, intentionally rehabilitated the legacy of the World War II (WWII) Croatian Usta?a and its Nazi-puppet state. The rehabilitation of the Usta?a has been linked to Tu?man’s national reconciliation politics that tended toward a particular “forgetting of the past.” The national reconciliation was conceptualized as a joint struggle of both the Croatian anti-fascist Partisan and the Croatian WWII fascist Usta?a successors to achieve Croatian independence. However, the existing scholarship does not offer a comprehensive explanation of the nexus between national reconciliation and the rehabilitation of the Usta?a. Hence, this article will present how “Usta?a-nostalgia” does not stem from Tu?man’s intentions, but rather from the morphological gap occurring in Tu?man’s nation-building idea. Namely, Tu?man’s condemnation of the entire idea of Yugoslavism and Yugoslavia eventually brought about the perception that any historical agent advocating the idea of an independent Croatia is better than any form of Croatian Yugoslavism. Finally, the article will present how contemporary Croatian society is still seeped in “Usta?a-nostalgia” due to the hesitation of the post-Tu?man Croatian politics to come to terms with the legacy of his national reconciliation politics. 相似文献
75.
Roxana Adina Humă 《Nationalities Papers》2016,44(3):397-415
Moldova has been widely argued to be a failed nation-building project, with two national identity discourses coexisting within Moldovan society and amongst Moldovan elites: Romanianism and Moldovanism. Challenging the dominance of these discourses in the literature, this article argues that in spite of its absence from the nationalism debate in Moldova, the ballad Miori?a is a key element for the Moldovan articulation of national identity. The analysis employs a discursive approach focused on language as a constituting phenomenon and draws from Miori?a's appeal to the grass roots level, its banality in day-to-day life, and, more importantly, its promotion by Moldovan cultural elites. This latter part focuses specifically on the writings of novelist Ion Dru??. Dru?? places Miori?a at the very center of his construction of Moldovan national identity. He highlights its links with Moldovan history, culture, religious thinking, and geographical space, both reproducing a structure similar to the two national identity discourses, Romanianism and Moldovanism, and building on their similarities. But more importantly, Dru??'s representation of national identity sheds light on the possibility of an all-encompassing Moldovan identity, overcoming the existing cleavage, and a series of mechanisms that can be employed to achieve this. 相似文献
76.
Matti Jutila 《Nationalities Papers》2015,43(6):927-943
This article shows how we can use the securitization framework to study extreme history politics. Securitization refers to a speech act or discursive process in which an actor makes a claim that some referent object, deemed worthy of survival, is existentially threatened. If successful, securitization justifies the use of extraordinary measures to counter the threat. After introducing the concept of securitization in detail, the article presents three ways in which history and securitization can be connected: history can serve as a facilitating condition of securitization; history can be explicitly used to strengthen a securitizing move; or history, or a particular interpretation of it, can be the referent object of securitization. The second half of the article is devoted to a discussion on the role of history in the securitization of national identities. Historical myths are the standard building blocks of national identities; challenging these myths can be presented as threats to the survival of the nation. The article also discusses potential forms of resistance against securitization of history/national identities. Illustrative examples from the political use of WWII history in Finland will be used to show the practical consequences of various conceptual choices. 相似文献
77.
Rebecca Tarlau 《The Journal of peasant studies》2015,42(6):1157-1177
This contribution explores the strategies used by popular movements seeking to advance social reforms, and the challenges once they succeed. It analyzes how a strategic alliance between the Brazilian Landless Workers Movement (MST) and the National Confederation of Agricultural Workers (CONTAG) transformed the Ministry of Education's official approach to rural schooling. This success illustrates the critical role of international allies, political openings, framing, coalitions and state–society alliances in national policy reforms. The paper also shows that once movements succeed in advancing social reforms, bureaucratic tendencies such as internal hierarchy, rapid expansion and ‘best practices’ – in addition to the constant threat of cooptation – can prevent their implementation. 相似文献
78.
公丕祥 《法律科学-西北政法大学学报》2021,(2):3-13
习近平国家制度与法律制度思想是马克思主义国家与法的学说中国化进程的最新重大理论成果,实现了马克思主义国家与法的学说中国化的第三次历史性飞跃.面对许多具有新的历史特点的伟大斗争,习近平以马克思主义的巨大理论勇气和坚韧行动意志,从历史与现实、理论与实践的有机结合上,深入分析了推进当代中国国家制度与法律制度建设的重大意义,精... 相似文献
79.
论民族自治地方立法权在我国立法体制中的地位 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
作者从民族区域自治制度着手,阐析了民族自治地方立法权的内容及其与一般地方立法权的区别,进而指出民族自治地方立法权是我国立法体制的重要组成部分,是民族区域自治制度在立法体制上的反映,体现了我国立法体制的重大特色。 相似文献
80.
论犯罪客体要件的重构 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
犯罪客体要件对准确定罪具有十分重要的意义。通说的犯罪客体理论存在严重缺陷,不足以承担犯罪构成要件之重任。为完善犯罪构成理论,本文在基本坚持通说犯罪构成的基础上,引入法益理论,实现对犯罪客体要件的重构,并具体阐述了犯罪客体要件的概念以及法益、法益主体、法益侵犯以及法益受到侵犯的程度等犯罪客体要件构成要素。 相似文献