全文获取类型
收费全文 | 1523篇 |
免费 | 99篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 104篇 |
工人农民 | 30篇 |
世界政治 | 74篇 |
外交国际关系 | 152篇 |
法律 | 258篇 |
中国共产党 | 120篇 |
中国政治 | 291篇 |
政治理论 | 209篇 |
综合类 | 384篇 |
出版年
2024年 | 8篇 |
2023年 | 8篇 |
2022年 | 28篇 |
2021年 | 28篇 |
2020年 | 63篇 |
2019年 | 35篇 |
2018年 | 36篇 |
2017年 | 55篇 |
2016年 | 46篇 |
2015年 | 37篇 |
2014年 | 91篇 |
2013年 | 148篇 |
2012年 | 111篇 |
2011年 | 96篇 |
2010年 | 81篇 |
2009年 | 82篇 |
2008年 | 75篇 |
2007年 | 84篇 |
2006年 | 77篇 |
2005年 | 105篇 |
2004年 | 108篇 |
2003年 | 74篇 |
2002年 | 59篇 |
2001年 | 50篇 |
2000年 | 26篇 |
1999年 | 7篇 |
1998年 | 2篇 |
1997年 | 1篇 |
1995年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有1622条查询结果,搜索用时 31 毫秒
61.
Shabnam J. Holliday 《Third world quarterly》2016,37(5):917-933
Drawing on Laclau’s concept of populist discourse and Gramsci’s ‘national–popular collective will’, and using the case of Iran, this article puts forward the idea of the legacy of subalternity in the context of post-revolution governments. The concept of ‘national–popular collective will’ facilitates an understanding of how the popular subject is constructed and the meanings embedded in that process. It is argued that Islamic Republic elites articulate a populist discourse that constructs the ‘self’ (the Islamic Republic) as synonymous with ‘the people’. Embedded in this discursive construction is a legacy of subalternity that goes back to the 1979 Revolution’s populist discourse. 相似文献
62.
Stevo Đurašković 《Nationalities Papers》2016,44(5):772-788
Most scholarship on post-Communist Croatia claims that the first Croatian president, Franjo Tu?man, intentionally rehabilitated the legacy of the World War II (WWII) Croatian Usta?a and its Nazi-puppet state. The rehabilitation of the Usta?a has been linked to Tu?man’s national reconciliation politics that tended toward a particular “forgetting of the past.” The national reconciliation was conceptualized as a joint struggle of both the Croatian anti-fascist Partisan and the Croatian WWII fascist Usta?a successors to achieve Croatian independence. However, the existing scholarship does not offer a comprehensive explanation of the nexus between national reconciliation and the rehabilitation of the Usta?a. Hence, this article will present how “Usta?a-nostalgia” does not stem from Tu?man’s intentions, but rather from the morphological gap occurring in Tu?man’s nation-building idea. Namely, Tu?man’s condemnation of the entire idea of Yugoslavism and Yugoslavia eventually brought about the perception that any historical agent advocating the idea of an independent Croatia is better than any form of Croatian Yugoslavism. Finally, the article will present how contemporary Croatian society is still seeped in “Usta?a-nostalgia” due to the hesitation of the post-Tu?man Croatian politics to come to terms with the legacy of his national reconciliation politics. 相似文献
63.
Roxana Adina Humă 《Nationalities Papers》2016,44(3):397-415
Moldova has been widely argued to be a failed nation-building project, with two national identity discourses coexisting within Moldovan society and amongst Moldovan elites: Romanianism and Moldovanism. Challenging the dominance of these discourses in the literature, this article argues that in spite of its absence from the nationalism debate in Moldova, the ballad Miori?a is a key element for the Moldovan articulation of national identity. The analysis employs a discursive approach focused on language as a constituting phenomenon and draws from Miori?a's appeal to the grass roots level, its banality in day-to-day life, and, more importantly, its promotion by Moldovan cultural elites. This latter part focuses specifically on the writings of novelist Ion Dru??. Dru?? places Miori?a at the very center of his construction of Moldovan national identity. He highlights its links with Moldovan history, culture, religious thinking, and geographical space, both reproducing a structure similar to the two national identity discourses, Romanianism and Moldovanism, and building on their similarities. But more importantly, Dru??'s representation of national identity sheds light on the possibility of an all-encompassing Moldovan identity, overcoming the existing cleavage, and a series of mechanisms that can be employed to achieve this. 相似文献
64.
Matti Jutila 《Nationalities Papers》2015,43(6):927-943
This article shows how we can use the securitization framework to study extreme history politics. Securitization refers to a speech act or discursive process in which an actor makes a claim that some referent object, deemed worthy of survival, is existentially threatened. If successful, securitization justifies the use of extraordinary measures to counter the threat. After introducing the concept of securitization in detail, the article presents three ways in which history and securitization can be connected: history can serve as a facilitating condition of securitization; history can be explicitly used to strengthen a securitizing move; or history, or a particular interpretation of it, can be the referent object of securitization. The second half of the article is devoted to a discussion on the role of history in the securitization of national identities. Historical myths are the standard building blocks of national identities; challenging these myths can be presented as threats to the survival of the nation. The article also discusses potential forms of resistance against securitization of history/national identities. Illustrative examples from the political use of WWII history in Finland will be used to show the practical consequences of various conceptual choices. 相似文献
65.
Rebecca Tarlau 《The Journal of peasant studies》2015,42(6):1157-1177
This contribution explores the strategies used by popular movements seeking to advance social reforms, and the challenges once they succeed. It analyzes how a strategic alliance between the Brazilian Landless Workers Movement (MST) and the National Confederation of Agricultural Workers (CONTAG) transformed the Ministry of Education's official approach to rural schooling. This success illustrates the critical role of international allies, political openings, framing, coalitions and state–society alliances in national policy reforms. The paper also shows that once movements succeed in advancing social reforms, bureaucratic tendencies such as internal hierarchy, rapid expansion and ‘best practices’ – in addition to the constant threat of cooptation – can prevent their implementation. 相似文献
66.
公丕祥 《法律科学-西北政法大学学报》2021,(2):3-13
习近平国家制度与法律制度思想是马克思主义国家与法的学说中国化进程的最新重大理论成果,实现了马克思主义国家与法的学说中国化的第三次历史性飞跃.面对许多具有新的历史特点的伟大斗争,习近平以马克思主义的巨大理论勇气和坚韧行动意志,从历史与现实、理论与实践的有机结合上,深入分析了推进当代中国国家制度与法律制度建设的重大意义,精... 相似文献
67.
论民族自治地方立法权在我国立法体制中的地位 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
作者从民族区域自治制度着手,阐析了民族自治地方立法权的内容及其与一般地方立法权的区别,进而指出民族自治地方立法权是我国立法体制的重要组成部分,是民族区域自治制度在立法体制上的反映,体现了我国立法体制的重大特色。 相似文献
68.
2005年以来,随着经济形势的好转和国际地位的提高,俄罗斯开始加大对外援助投入,并逐步建立起自己的对外援助体系。在对外援助政策方面,从学习借鉴西方国家的经验,将对外援助看作履行国际义务、获取国家威望的手段,到主动探索建立符合本国实际的对外援助政策体系,强调对独联体地区国家援助、“软实力”和国家利益。在对外援助管理方面,总统在对外援助政策中居于中心位置,政府负责决策执行,议会负责相关立法工作,各联邦机构分别负责各自职责范围内的对外援助行动,并成立了跨部门协调机构统筹对外援助行动。在对外援助运作方面,俄罗斯将对外援助行动列入国家计划,主要通过多边和双边渠道对外提供援助。在对外援助的评估方面,俄罗斯提出了援助预算资金使用效果评估方法,定期发布对外援助数据和报告,正在逐步完善对外援助评估体系。近年来,俄罗斯对外援助体系出现较大调整,对外援助管理权有从财政部门向外交部门、从政府向总统转移的趋势。 相似文献
69.
刑事被害人当事人化的实质是犯罪损害追诉方式的公私合一,该制度设计混淆了公益和私益两种不同性质的诉讼,导致两种权益保护相互冲突进而对刑事司法结果公正造成负面影响。公私分离是刑事被害人去当事人化的当然制度选择,其立法对策主要包括在刑事立法中确立被害人为特殊诉讼参与人、废除被害人在刑事审判中就定罪量刑发表意见的权利、废止被害人刑事自诉权和切断其引起刑事二审、再审的程序路径。同时需要完善相关配套举措,如允许被害人对其物质和精神损害单独提起民事诉讼、完善精神损害赔偿制度、建立刑事被害人国家补偿制度等。 相似文献
70.
There is an ongoing debate among practitioners and scholars about the security consequences of transnational migration. Yet, existing work has not, so far, fully taken into account the policy instruments states have at their disposal to mitigate these risks, and reliable evidence is lacking for the effectiveness of such measures. This article addresses both shortcomings as whether and to what extent national migration policies affect the diffusion of terrorism via population movements are analysed. Spatial analyses report robust support for a moderating influence of states’ policies: while terrorism can travel from one country to another via larger migration populations, this only applies to target countries with extremely lax regulations and control mechanisms. This research sheds new light on the security implications of population movements, and it crucially adds to our understanding of governments’ instruments for addressing migration challenges as well as their effectiveness. 相似文献