Contextualising the ‘Responsibility to Protect’ in Darfur

ABSTRACT

This article argues for a thorough contextual analysis based on understanding local, regional and international politico-economic linkages in the Sudan, in order to ground prospects of the ‘Responsibility to Protect’ (R2P) doctrine in the ongoing crisis in Darfur. The R2P framework was crystallised by the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (ICISS) in 2001. It was adapted and subsequently endorsed by United Nations (UN) member states during the 2005 UN World Summit. The R2P ostensibly provides normative benchmarks on how states should respond to the quadruple human rights violations of genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity and ethnic cleansing. Indeed, there is debate on whether the prevailing crisis in Darfur constitutes a test case for the application of the R2P. However, such debate is misplaced on two grounds: first, it glosses over the inherent conceptual deficiencies of the R2P, as presently constituted. More importantly, such debate is primarily inspired by reactionary and externalising influences based on past international failings, like Rwanda (1994) and Bosnia (1993). Hence, it is argued that the starting point of analysing the Darfur crisis should be a thorough investigation of how local, regional and international politico-economic factors have historically worked in an orchestrated fashion to trigger and sustain the crisis in the Sudan. Knowledge and an understanding of such historical specificity is a requisite for determining the relevance of the R2P in Darfur. The R2P, as presently constituted and practised, does not address this gap.     

U.S. National Identity,Political Elites,and a Patriotic Press Following September 11

In the aftermath of the terrorist attacks on New York City and Washington, D.C. on September 11, 2001, U.S. government and military leaders often articulated distinctly pro-American themes in their public communications. We argue that this national identity discourse was at the heart of the U.S. government's attempt to unite the American public and to mobilize support for the ensuing "war on terrorism." With this perspective, we content analyzed Time and Newsweek newsmagazines for the five weeks following September 11 to identify potential communication strategies employed by government and military leaders to promote a sense of U.S. national identity. Findings suggest (a) that government and military officials consistently emphasized American core values and themes of U.S. strength and power while simultaneously demonizing the "enemy," and (b) that journalists closely paralleled these nationalist themes in their language.     

Evaluation of a Program Designed to Reduce Relational Aggression in Middle School Girls

Abstract

Physical and verbal aggression is an increasing problem inboth middle and high schools across the United States. While physical forms of aggression are targeted in traditional “bullying” programs, relational aggression (RA), or the use of relationships to hurt another, is often not detected or addressed. For girls in the stage of identity formation, RA can impact negatively on self-concept, peer relationships, school performance, and mental and physical health. An innovative program designed specifically to help middle school girls confront and cope with issues related to RA was developed, implemented, and evaluated in two school systems. Attitudes and self-reported behaviors were measured before and after the program. Results show an improvement in relationship skills after participation in the program. Most noticeable improvements were in a girl's stated willingness to become involved when witnessing another girl being hurt and girls benefiting from the mentoring they received from high school juniors and seniors.     

Public Opinion and Military Intervention: Afghanistan,Iraq and Libya

Britain has participated in several military interventions of varying duration, extent and political controversy in recent years. This article analyses public opinion towards the most recent intervention in Libya in 2011, looking at three different aspects of the topic. First, it examines differences in cross‐national attitudes towards military action in Libya amongst NATO countries. Secondly, it then looks in detail at which social groups were more or less likely to approve of British involvement, comparing this with group attitudes towards Britain's role in Afghanistan and Iraq. Thirdly, it assesses how public opinion shifted during the course of the action in Libya, looking at three key indicators of the popular mood: whether Britain was right or wrong to take military action; how well the war is going; and assessments of David Cameron's handling of the conflict. Broader reflections are then made about public opinion towards British involvement in future military action.     

日汉外来语历史发展及介入方式比较研究

外来语是不同语言文化接触的必然产物,也是不同民族间交流来往的见证.日汉两民族在与外族交往的过程中,或直接借词或通过译词的方式接收外来词,逐渐形成了现在的词汇体系.文章对日汉外来语的历史发展和吸收方式进行对比分析和研究,找出二者之间存在的异同,为日汉外来语的研究提供参考.     

The Dual Use of an Historical Event: ‘Rwanda 1994’, the Justification and Critique of Liberal Interventionism

This essay places the 1994 genocide in Rwanda in the context of the academic and political rise of liberal interventionism since 1990. It argues that this historical event is important for the debate about ‘humanitarian interventions’ in two different ways: on the one hand, as a signifier, ‘Rwanda 1994’ has been used (or, for that matter, misused) in order to justify an almost unlimited international agenda of liberal interventionism and social engineering; on the other, the genocide that could arguably have been prevented represents the exceptional case where military intervention can indeed be justified—but precisely because it is not in need of a specifically liberal justification. What would have made a military-based prevention of genocide justifiable in this particular case is precisely the aim to prevent something that is universally agreed to be unacceptable (genocide). The liberal twist in the justification narrative, in contrast, tends to emphasize the difference between the (liberal) ‘us’ and the non-liberal ‘them’, consequently claiming the legitimate right for the ‘us’ to decide about the use of force exclusively, that is, without the ‘them’. The continuation of the narrative into answering the post-intervention question ‘what now?’ then leads consequently into the necessity of imposing one's own system of rule as a general norm without due attention to the specifics of the situation ‘on the ground’. The exceptional features of ‘Rwanda 1994’ (the empirical event) thus point in a critical way to all those cases where ‘Rwanda 1994’ (the signifier) has been used to make the case for an ever-expanding agenda of liberal (‘just’) war.     

电信管制的司法介入研究

目前我国电信管制领域的案件少有进入司法程序的,明显存在排斥司法介入的情形,主要原因在于电信管制机构非中立的管制者有意扩大管制范围,电信代理问题广泛存在,法院有意缩小司法管辖范围等。境外电信管制领域的司法介入早己存在,借助司法介入机制是各国电信管制机构维护、保证和提升管制能力的一种趋势。今后我国关键要建立真正独立的电信管制机构,并通过电信立法明确其法律地位和职权范围,破除电信代理问题,引入司法介入机制,提高法院在电信管制中的影响力,促使电信管制机构依法行政,维护电信市场公平竞争和电信消费者的合法权益。     

社会工作对群体性事件的干预

伴随改革开放的深入、社会转型的加快,群体性事件作为影响社会良性运行的负面因素日益显现,相关问题的预防和解决也就至关重要。社会工作作为一种秉持"人道主义"关怀的助人活动,能够运用其专业方法介入到群体性事件的预防、应对、解决之中,发挥其社会"稳定器"的作用,促进社会的和谐发展。     

风险社会语境下的农业产业危机与政府干预——以海南“香蕉危机”为个案

在风险社会语境下,中国农业除要面对自然和市场的双重风险,还要面对科学技术和政策变递等带来的振荡。对农业风险的预防和治理需要政府发挥主导作用,而政府干预不当却可能诱发或加剧农业风险。海南爆发的“香蕉危机”作为中国现代农业产业危机的缩影再次暴露出在农业生产经营和农业风险管理方面政府干预存在的严重问题,文章试图通过对海南“香蕉危机”事件的分析,剖析政府干预在农业产业危机的形成与治理中的作用,并进而提出政府适度干预以应对农业产业危机的对策与建议。     

芪参护心方治疗冠心病经皮冠状动脉介入治疗术后气虚血瘀型心绞痛30例

目的 评价芪参护心方联合西药常规治疗冠心病经皮冠状动脉介入（percutaneous coronary intervention,PCI）术后气虚血瘀型心绞痛的临床疗效。方法 选取成功施行冠心病PCI术后气虚血瘀型心绞痛患者60例,随机分为对照组和研究组各30例。对照组采用阿司匹林、氯吡格雷、他汀等西药常规治疗,研究组在对照组的基础上加用芪参护心方治疗。治疗1个月后评价两组患者临床疗效、中医证候疗效及血脂变化情况。结果 研究组临床疗效、中医证候疗效均显著优于对照组（P<0.05）;治疗后两组总胆固醇、三酰甘油、低密度脂蛋白胆固醇水平均较治疗前显著下降(P<0.05),其中研究组治疗前后低密度脂蛋白胆固醇差值显著大于对照组(P<0.05)。结论 芪参护心方联合西药常规干预治疗冠心病PCI术后气虚血瘀型心绞痛有较好疗效,可明显改善心绞痛症状,减少心绞痛发生率,提高患者生活质量。