言论自由与名誉权的法律冲突及其诉讼规则

当前,我国审判实践对于名誉权以及公民言论自由权利的平衡存在较为明显的困境。在名誉侵权案件中现行诉讼规则和司法解释并没有将同样重要的言论自由权纳入保护的范围。言论自由与名誉权在权利本质上具有一定的紧张关系,其冲突的诉讼规则必须在举证责任分配、权利配置方式等方面平衡宪法性的言论自由与民法视野中的名誉权。     

60年党的建设新的伟大工程的历史沿革及理论创新

新中国成立60年,党的建设伟大工程也走过60个春秋。在此期间,党的建设新的伟大工程的提出、实施经过了两个时期、四个阶段,即党的建设伟大工程和党的建设新的伟大工程两个时期;四个阶段是：党的建设伟大工程的提出,党的建设新的伟大工程的酝酿、确立和创新发展阶段。党的十七大站在新的历史起点上,第一次提出了以改革创新精神全面推进党的建设新的伟大工程的新思想,不仅指明了党的建设的政治方向,而且为新的伟大工程的实施提供了前进动力。     

从十六大到十七大：中国共产党党内民主的逻辑演绎进程

党的十六大以来,从提出“党内民主是党的生命”到“要以扩大党内民主带动人民民主,以增进党内和谐促进社会和谐”的论断,中国共产党在新的历史条件下,根据世情、国情、党情的变化和新形势新任务对党的建设提出的新要求．把推进党内民主建设作为保持和发展党的先进性和加强党的执政能力的一项根本性建设,以改革创新的精神积极发展党内民主,在理论和实践上取得了重要进展。     

居住权问题检讨

在物权法制定过程中,学术界对于我国物权法是否应当规定居住权制度存在较大争议.但是,经过详细检讨后发现,赞成者的观点在方法论和具体观点上都存在一定的问题,而反对者亦未能有效论证己方观点.此时应当依据论证负担分配规则得出不支持承担论证负担一方的结论,即我国物权法不应当规定居住权制度.     

环境侵权侵害排除责任研究

在环境侵权诉讼中,在适用损害赔偿责任方式的同时,适用能够充分发挥环境侵权民事责任的抑制和预防功能的侵害排除责任方式尤为重要.因此,我国应尽快制定《环境侵权民事责任法》,以解决我国现行法律规范中存在的问题;与此同时,法院应采取阶段性利益衡量论以决定是否适用侵害排除责任方式.     

公民养老权涵义论析

养老权是一项基本人权.在我国,养老权的权利主体是60周岁以上的公民,养老权的义务主体是国家、社会、家庭和个人.养老权的内容包括生活保障权、医疗保障权和受赡养扶助权.养老权具有普遍性、资格性、基础性、社会性、综合性的特点.     

应然与实然——刑事被追诉人知情权的现状评析及其扩展

刑事被追诉人(即犯罪嫌疑人、被告人)知情权(或称知悉权)是伴随程序主体地位的确立而提出来的.现代刑事诉讼理念要求在诉讼构造的设计方面,努力追求控辩双方的平等对抗.结合我国的刑事司法实践,就需要强化被追诉人的防御权体系,以追求攻防的相对均衡,而知情权则是这一防御权体系的前提和基础.我国现行的刑事诉讼法关于被追诉人知情权的规定尚存不足,需要强化并改进.对被追诉人知情权的探讨离不开对现有法律规定的分析,需要从实然与应然的角度做出评析,不仅要明确知情权,而且还要保障知情权的实现.     

论利益博弈中法官认证行为的规制

法官在关键证据的认定中会出现利益偏差并导致证据认定结论出现差异,这主要是对利益进行衡量的结果.利益衡量方法有助于提升法官的认证能力,但由于法官运用此方式的不规范性,因利益衡量偏差导致司法不公正的现象比较突出.利益衡量方法作为法学方法论,应当运用到法官证据认定环节.规范法官认证中的利益衡量应首先把握价值衡平方法,并在遵循一般规律的前提下依据不同诉讼形式分别采用不同的方法.     

Electoral volatility and parties’ ideological responsiveness

For a number of decades now, scholars have been indicating that ties between citizens and parties are eroding. As a consequence, electoral behaviour has become more volatile and also more unpredictable. The consequences of this process of change on parties’ strategic behaviour have, however, received little attention. In this article, the impact of dealignment on parties’ strategic behaviour is examined, with the focus being on the extent to which parties are responsive to the mean voter. The expectation of dealignment allowing parties ‘to move around more freely’ leads to the hypothesis that parties are more responsive in a context of dealignment. The analyses provide evidence that is in line with this expectation. Ideological responsiveness is conditioned by the level of volatility in the electorate. The conclusion to draw from these results is that dealignment, which profoundly affects voters’ behaviour, leads parties to become more responsive to the mean voter.     

How people organise cultural attitudes: cultural belief systems and the populist radical right

Political scientists generally agree that all individuals structure their cultural attitudes in the same unidimensional fashion. However, various populist radical right parties remarkably combine moral progressiveness with conservatism regarding immigration-related issues. This suggests that the structuring of cultural attitudes among the electorate may also be more complex than typically assumed. Applying Correlational Class Analysis to representative survey data, the study uncovers three cultural belief systems. For individuals adhering to an integrated one, all cultural attitudes are interdependent, as typically assumed. However, two alternative belief systems are also uncovered: intermediate and partitioned. In the latter, positions on one cultural attitude (e.g. ethnocentrism) are barely related to positions on others (e.g. rejecting Islam or opposing homosexuality). The existence of multiple cultural belief systems challenges the widely held assumption that all people organise their cultural attitudes similarly. Both political party agendas and individuals’ education level and religion appear key to understanding variation in belief systems.