“勾肩搭背”式腐败的预防及治理:官商关系的政治学思考

官商之间的"勾肩搭背"现象,表面上看来属于正常人际交往,但其实质仍然是一种腐败,具有普遍性、模糊性、隐秘性和集体性的特点。官商"勾肩搭背"现象的产生和发展,具有文化诱因、制度诱因、思想诱因和社会诱因,并且具有非常大的危害性,需要从思想和制度层面加大预防和治理的力度。     

羊水栓塞诊断的方法学研究进展及法医学意义

羊水栓塞(amniotic fluid embolism,AFE)是指分娩过程中羊水进入母血循环,引起肺栓塞、休克甚至死亡等一系列严重症状的综合征。目前对于AFE的诊断为排除性诊断,方法缺乏灵敏性和特异性。因此随着以AFE为死因的孕产妇病死率的升高,寻找更精确的AFE诊断方法成为了法医学研究的重点。本文结合相关文献概述了AFE诊断方法的研究进展,希望能为法医学鉴定提供方法学参考。     

我国专利保护的强度及改进措施-以2013年数据中私营企业专利权人为视角

随着我国经济转型升级的日益加快，知识产权在经济发展中的贡献日益突出。全面深化改革的持续推进也进一步释放了私营企业的发展活力。据统计，占我国私营企业绝大多数的小微企业完成了65%的发明专利，已成为我国科技创新的主力军。在国家知识产权局开展的专利保护社会满意度调查工作基础上，基于私营企业专利权人的视角对当前我国专利保护的强度进行考察。数据分析显示，目前私营企业专利权人对我国专利保护的满意度有66.73分，仅仅刚达到及格水平；而私营企业专利权人在反馈意见建议时，同样表示希望相关部门加大专利保护力度。在加强专利保护的过程中，司法要充分发挥对专利保护的主导性，行政要充分发挥在专利保护中的主体性，非诉调解要充分发挥在处理专利纠纷时的主动性，私营企业专利权人则应充分发挥自身积极性，配合做好相关工作。     

"新农村"背景下农村法治的法哲学解读--方法论的检讨与重整

"新农村"背景下,我国当代农村的法治建设正在全方位展开,并取得了显著的成效.然而,由于方法论上存在着"义务本位"、"立法缺位"、"经济落后"等误区或缺陷,直接导致农村法治的当下窘态与困惑,滞碍了法制现代化的纵深运行,因而,必须进行方法论上的重整,其目标就是夯实农村法治的物质基础;建构农村法治的法理机制;强化法律至上的法治理念.     

试析村民在《村民委员会组织法》实施中的作用

当前,村民在《村民委员会组织法》实施中的作用主要表现为民主选举、民主决策、民主管理、民主监督。但由于受到利益、村民的民主权利意识、法制意识和法律制度等因素的影响,村民作用并未能充分发挥。因此,要努力发展农村经济,增加农民收入,增强村民的民主权利意识和法制观念,完善《村民委员会组织法》及配套规章制度,从而为村民作用的发挥创造良好的内部条件和外部环境。     

论桂林在“泛珠三角”区域合作中的借势发展

“泛珠三角”区域的合作发展战略,是促进本区域经济社会全面、协调、可持续发展的有力举措。“泛珠三角”合作正面临着国际金融危机的挑战,但也蕴含着难得的机遇。参与“泛珠三角”区域合作,是桂林市经济社会建设的又一次发展契机,充分发挥区域合作优势是桂林借势发展的最佳选择。     

探索精神与中国特色社会主义——学习胡锦涛“12·18”讲话笔记

前无古人的中国特色社会主义事业理所当然地要求强化探索精神,在改革开放取得重大成就更需要深入推进的时刻,回顾历史选行深刻反思,更是针对新的实际,更好地发扬探索精神,以进一步的认识和把握人类社会发展规律、社会主义建设规律、共产党执政规律,才能不断地把中国特色社会主义事业椎向推进。     

Partisan effects in morality policy making

Current comparative policy research gives no clear answer to the question of whether partisan politics in general or the partisan composition of governments in particular matter for different morality policy outputs across countries and over time. This article addresses this desideratum by employing a new encompassing dataset that captures the regulatory permissiveness in six morality policies that are homosexuality, same‐sex partnership, prostitution, pornography, abortion and euthanasia in 16 European countries over five decades from 1960 to 2010. Given the prevalent scepticism about a role for political parties for morality policies in existing research, this is a ‘hard’ test case for the ‘parties do matter’ argument. Starting from the basic theoretical assumption that different party families, if represented in national governments to varying degrees, ought to leave differing imprints on morality policy making, this research demonstrates that parties matter when accounting for the variation in morality policy outputs. This general statement needs to be qualified in three important ways. First, the nature of morality policy implies that party positions or preferences cannot be fully understood by merely focusing on one single cleavage alone. Instead, morality policy is located at the interface of different cleavages, including not only left‐right and secular‐religious dimensions, but also the conflicts between materialism and postmaterialism, green‐alternative‐libertarian and traditional‐authoritarian‐nationalist (GAL‐TAN) parties, and integration and demarcation. Second, it is argued in this article that the relevance of different cleavages for morality issues varies over time. Third, partisan effects can be found only if individual cabinets, rather than country‐years, are used as the unit of analysis in the research design. In particular, party families that tend to prioritise individual freedom over collective interests (i.e., left and liberal parties) are associated with significantly more liberal morality policies than party families that stress societal values and order (i.e., conservative/right and religious parties). While the latter are unlikely to overturn previous moves towards permissiveness, these results suggest that they might preserve the status quo at least. Curiously, no systematic effects of green parties are found, which may be because they have been represented in European governments at later periods when morality policy outputs were already quite permissive.     

Parallel publics? Support for income redistribution in times of economic crisis

This article investigates the dynamics of support for income redistribution in Europe. With European Social Survey data spanning 2006 to 2012, it assesses whether the Great Recession resulted in substantial parallelism or increasing polarisation in preference change across various sub‐publics. After introducing hypotheses based on claims that social groups are affected differently by economic insecurity, the article proceeds in two empirical sections. First, whereas prior research suggests that hard times fuel diverging attitudinal patterns, it is found that income groups, ideological groups and educational groups did not shift differently over time during the first years of the crisis, thus providing strong evidence for the ‘parallel publics’ hypothesis in the European context and in times of economic turmoil. Next, the article addresses the extent to which change in aggregate support for redistribution came from changes in small minorities of the population, supposed to be more responsive to their economic environment. Using multilevel analysis, it is shown that the most educated significantly contributed to the overall change more than the others. As a result, they may have been partly driving the economic mood during the first years of the Great Recession.     

Using self-prophecy to combat vote overreporting on public opinion surveys

Survey researchers have long struggled with respondents who, due to the pressure to adhere to socially desirable norms, erroneously claim to have voted in a previous election. In this paper, we develop a new approach to reducing the overreporting of voting in surveys by leveraging psychological theories that show people have a tendency to follow through on an action once they have predicted their behavior (e.g. Sherman, 1980). Using a survey experiment through the 2014 Cooperative Congressional Election Study, we find that an overwhelming majority of respondents will agree to take an honesty pledge regarding their future vote report. Having pledged their honesty, they then overreport their vote at far lower rates than other survey participants. The observed effects are additive, since previously developed methods of reducing overreporting were present across all conditions. These findings have important implications for studies endeavoring to understand voting behavior and social desirability pressures.