中国共产党整党整风教育活动的历史回顾及现实启示

中国共产党开展整党整风教育实践活动的经验及启示：必须；住确把握形势，结合党的事业进行：必须坚持群众路线，接受群众监督扩大民主参与；必须开展及时有效的批评与自我批评；必须坚持领导干部率先垂范，模范带头作用：谘须建立长效机制，为党员队伍建设提供科学保障。     

试论习近平对“党校姓党”的系统思考

习近平总书记从新时代党的建设总体布局、全面从严治党、坚持马克思主义指导地位、维护党校形象的高度阐述了坚持党校姓党的重大意义。习近平不仅系统回答了坚持党校姓党的意义(为什么),还深刻阐明了党校姓党的"姓马""姓共"的内涵(是什么)、回答了坚持党校姓党的途径、方法(怎样做),以党校姓党的根本原则为基础,构建了具有思想观念、价值标准引领性的党校建设话语体系。     

着力建立健全党员队伍纯洁机制

保持党的纯洁性是马克思主义政党的本质要求。建立健全党员队伍纯洁机制,对于新时期保持党的纯洁性,加强和改进党的建设具有重大而深远的意义。     

THE ANTI-CORRUPTION STRUGGLE IN XI JINPING’S CHINA: AN ALTERNATIVE POLITICAL NARRATIVE

The fact that the extensive anti-corruption struggle that has consumed China since 2013 is highly political is widely accepted and understood. But the question is precisely what political strategy it is directed at – that of bolstering the position of the current supreme leader, Xi Jinping. Or for the preservation of the Party itself. There is a huge difference between these. The first simply means in effect the replacement of one corruptible elite by another. The second means a titanic struggle to change the Chinese communist party culture of power, and to make it enduring and sustainable.     

领导干部要提高做好群众工作的能力

密切联系群众,善于开展群众工作,是我们党的优良传统和优势所在。为了实现党的十八大确定的宏伟目标,必须紧紧依靠广大人民群众,努力提高做好新形势下群众工作的能力。     

RISE OF THE DISLOYAL: INCREASING RESENTMENT IN NORTH KOREA

Why has loyalty to the Kim Family Regime and the Worker’s Party diminished over the past twenty years despite a rise in the average standard of living, greater social mobility, and a regime policy of benign neglect towards marketization? Unthinkable in the Kim Il Sung era, the increase in expressions of resentment toward the North Korean authorities represents a shift in the ideology, behavior, and motivation of the population. Four critical factors have heightened tensions between state and society in North Korea, leading to a reduction in loyalty among the general population. The author considers the impact of labor mobilizations, the declining importance of party membership, the influence of foreign media, and the rise of rent seeking and extractive policies. While all play a role, it is important and possible to identify the primary cause. Extractive policies and rent-seeking position the regime and the people in a directly adversarial relationship. All tiers and agencies of the government have become complicit in efforts to siphon off profits, control market actors through crony capitalism, rent seek, over-regulate, and compete against private market actors, causing the residents to express frustration and resentment towards a government that does not have their interests at heart.     

CCP ELITE PERCEPTION OF THE US SINCE THE EARLY 1990S: WANG HUNING AND ZHENG BIJIAN AS TEST CASES

This article juxtaposes two of the most influential yet under-studied America watchers within the top echelon of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), Wang Huning and Zheng Bijian. To be sure, the two have indelibly shaped CCP attitudes, yet surprisingly enough, although Zheng has been written about extensively in the English language, Wang has hitherto largely remained outside academics’ purview. This article also aims, in passing, to explore linkages between Wang and Zheng ideas and those of other well- known America watchers like Liu Mingfu and Yan Xuetong. The comparison offers clues as to the extent to which the current advisory shaping CCP thinking on the US differs from the previous generation, and as to whether CCP thinking is un-American or anti-American in essence. The conclusions ties the study together by arguing, based on Wang and Zheng's views, that New Confucianism may shape Chinese society in the future     

习近平基层党建思想的理论特征

习近平的基层党建思想,丰富了马克思主义建党学说,为新形势下做好党的基层工作提供了新的理论指导。其具有以下明显的理论特征:以满足人民需要为目的,促进全面发展的执政理念;以改革创新为动力,不断开创基层党建工作新局面的时代精神;以先进力量为表率,身体力行躬身示范的责任担当;以党章为根本标准,从严要求党员的坚定信心;以实事求是为思想指导,坚持求真务实的思维方法。     

MAINTAINING A UNITARY STATE: COUNTER-TERRORISM,SEPARATISM, AND EXTREMISM IN XINJIANG AND CHINA

This essay reviews the history of Uighur related terrorism in Xinjiang as well as elsewhere in China and discusses the political motivations and effectiveness of the Chinese government in suppressing terrorism. The essay assesses both the motivations of the Uighurs engaged in terrorism, as well as the motivations for counter terrorist by the Chinese authorities. A key objective of the essay is to determine what are the political and other reasons that drive the Chinese government’s counter terrorism strategy and tactics and whether these have been effective or counter-productive. The essay assesses the counter terrorism strategy of the Chinese government in Xinjiang Province and across China, the political motivations for the strategy, the impact and success or otherwise. The essay discusses if the government is combatting terrorism, or separatism, or extremism, the confusion of these terms, and whether this has had any impact on the effectiveness of counter terrorism.     

国际制度设计视角下的澜湄合作

为什么在湄公河流域已经存在数十个国际合作机制的情况下,还要建立澜湄合作(LMC)这一新型次区域合作机制?既有研究大多强调湄公河流域大国国际制度主导权竞争的宏观背景因素,而较少关注澜湄合作机制的新制度特征及其形成原因,即澜湄新型次区域合作机制究竟"新在何处"。与大湄公河次区域经济合作机制(GMS)等既有国际机制相比,澜湄合作机制具有两大新的制度特征:一是议题范围更加广泛,除了传统的区域经济合作议题外,还增加了区域安全合作以及水资源合作等新议题;二是集中程度更高,与之前合作机制主要由"职能部门引领"以及"借用"亚洲开发银行作为国际秘书处的做法不同,澜湄合作机制采取了"领导人引领、各部门参与"的机制运行模式,并逐步建立独立的国际秘书处。通过运用国际制度理性设计的理论模型,本文考察了在湄公河流域国际合作中上游国家与下游国家之间所面临的日益严峻的分配问题和执行问题,并以此解释了澜湄合作新制度特征的形成原因。