Shaking off the neoliberal shackles: “democratic emergence” and the negotiation of democratic knowledge in the Middle East North Africa context

ABSTRACT

There is a general assumption in democracy promotion that liberal democracy is the panacea that will solve all political and economic problems faced by developing countries. Using the concept of “good society” as analytical prism, the analysis shows that while there is a rhetorical agreement as to what the “good society” entails, democracy promotion practices fail to allow for recipients’ inclusion in the negotiation and delivery of the “good society”. Contrasting US and Tunisian discourses on the “good society”, the article argues that democracy promotion practices are underpinned by neoliberal parameters borne out from a reliance on the transition paradigm, which in turn leave little room to democracy promotion recipients to formulate knowledge claims supporting the emergence of alternative conceptions of the “good society”. In contrast, the article opens up a reflective pathway to a negotiated democratic knowledge, which would reside in a paradigmatic change that consists in the abandonment of the transition paradigm in favour of a “democratic emergence” paradigm.     

论互联网时代诽谤罪的公诉范围

我国刑法对诽谤罪采取自诉为主、公诉为补充的双轨制模式。由于刑法但书“严重危害社会秩序和国家利益”的公诉依据具有模糊性,同时司法解释本身缺乏解释力和可操作性,存在同义解释、近义解释等问题,加剧了公诉诽谤罪和其他罪名之间的冲突和竞合,特别是当被害人为地方领导干部时,诽谤罪的公诉权在实务中存在被滥用风险,部分限制公诉权的要件在实务中被淡化甚至忽略。从相对狭义的角度看,“严重危害社会秩序和国家利益”只有在行为人对侵犯个体法益具备主观故意,但对侵犯社会法益或国家法益不具备主观故意(或无法证明其具备故意)的情形下,才有其独特的法律适用价值并不与刑法其他罪名相冲突。为妥善处理和平衡诽谤犯罪中惩治犯罪和保障人权的关系,适应互联网时代的内外部变化,建议通过修改我国刑法,将诽谤罪区分为情节不严重、情节严重、情节特别严重的三种形态,为充分保障宪法权利,情节不严重的不作为犯罪处罚;为充分保障自诉权,情节严重的为绝对告诉乃论;为依法惩治犯罪,对符合特定形式要件和实质要件,情节特别严重的诽谤犯罪可以依法公诉,以维护网络信息秩序。     

Adding to the Controversy? Civil Society’s Evaluation of the National Conference Dialogue in Yemen

ABSTRACT

This article assembles a picture of Yemen’s 2013–14 National Dialogue Conference (NDC) by collecting perspectives from local civil society organizations (CSOs), which are contrasted to the views of international commentators. Despite all efforts by internal parties as well as the international community, the dialogue failed to avert war, which broke out shortly after. Through interviews with 50 CSOs, we reconstructed the reasons for failure, as well as paying attention to the observed strengths of the dialogue. Half of the consulted organizations were directly involved in the NDC, either as an invited participant or in a brokerage role. The other half concerns outside observers. We identify aspects on which the opinion of the CSOs converge, but also highlight striking divergences depending on insider/outsider status. In contrast to the view espoused in the international literature, the CSOs overall feel that, in spite of all its procedural and substantive flaws, the NDC was a significant junction in the long road towards peace and stability and laid important groundwork for future dialogues.     

新时代提升党员干部政治能力问题研究--基于安徽省的调查与思考

政治能力是新时代党员干部第一位的能力。当前党员干部政治能力建设中还存在着政治敏锐性不高、政治定力不足、政治担当不够、政治执行力不强等问题,究其原因,既有主观方面的因素,也有客观方面的因素。因此,新时代提升党员干部政治能力,必须从加强党的长期执政能力建设出发,从党员干部个人和党组织主客观两个方面切入,既靠党员干部自身努力内外兼修提升政治能力,也要靠组织培养,充分发挥党组织政治功能。     

What do forensic analysts consider relevant to their decision making?

In response to research demonstrating that irrelevant contextual information can bias forensic science analyses, authorities have increasingly urged laboratories to limit analysts' access to irrelevant and potentially biasing information (Dror and Cole (2010) [3]; National Academy of Sciences (2009) [18]; President's Council of Advisors on Science and Technology (2016) [22]; UK Forensic Science Regulator (2015) [26]). However, a great challenge in implementing this reform is determining which information is task-relevant and which is task-irrelevant. In the current study, we surveyed 183 forensic analysts to examine what they consider relevant versus irrelevant in their forensic analyses. Results revealed that analysts generally do not regard information regarding the suspect or victim as essential to their analytic tasks. However, there was significant variability among analysts within and between disciplines. Findings suggest that forensic science disciplines need to agree on what they regard as task-relevant before context management procedures can be properly implemented. The lack of consensus about what is relevant information not only leaves room for biasing information, but also reveals foundational gaps in what analysts consider crucial in forensic decision making.     

跨境民族因素对阿巴边境地区毒品问题的影响

随着1979年苏联入侵阿富汗和阿富汗抗苏战争的开展,阿富汗和巴基斯坦边境地区的罂粟种植面积迅速扩大,毒品产量迅速增加,成为世界毒品市场的重要来源地。阿巴边境地区的普什图人和俾路支人等跨境民族在"金新月"地带的罂粟种植和毒品生产中扮演着重要的角色。20世纪80年代后,阿富汗生产的鸦片主要来源于阿巴边境的普什图人村庄,巴基斯坦的罂粟种植也主要集中在以普什图人为主的西北边境省和联邦直辖部落地区。多年以来,尽管阿富汗和巴基斯坦政府在阿巴边境地区不断采取禁毒措施,发展替代种植,但是均未能清除该地区的罂粟种植和毒品生产。阿巴边境的普什图人、俾路支人等民族长期种植罂粟并参与毒品走私的原因包括历史、政治和经济等因素。从历史上看,阿巴边境的普什图人有种植罂粟的传统,出售鸦片是他们重要的经济来源之一。从政治上看,阿富汗和巴基斯坦两国政府不能对边境地区进行有效的管理和控制,从而为边境地区的普什图人和俾路支人种植罂粟和从事毒品走私提供了条件。此外,一些政党为了拉选票而支持当地人们种植罂粟也是重要的政治原因。从经济上看,种植罂粟的收入要高于种植小麦的收入,贩卖毒品的利润较高是吸引阿巴边境的普什图人、俾路支人等民族种植罂粟和从事毒品走私的重要原因。     

法医学尸体检验职业防护指南(建议稿)

法医工作者的职业暴露风险极大,案件现场及尸体上的有毒有害物质、高致病性微生物以及利器、骨折等因素均可能给法医带来身心伤害甚至生命危险。随着经济社会发展,法医的工作环境已经较过去显著改善,但是针对个人防护的重视程度仍需提高。近年来公共卫生事件频发,给法医职业防护带来新的挑战,迫切需要借鉴生物安全领域的先进技术和防护理念,以满足新形势下法医工作的需要。本指南立足当前法医职业防护的实际需求,从暴露风险、防护分级、应急处置等角度阐述,希望能为制定法医职业防护相关标准提供参考,以指导法医工作者开展个人防护工作,为提升法医职业化水平和身心健康提供帮助。     

认罪认罚从宽制度的体系性反思与建构

虽然认罪认罚从宽制度是在我国《刑事诉讼法》中得以正式确立的,但《刑事诉讼法》中涉及此制度的具体规定又都是操作层面的。据此,认罪认罚从宽制度的合理性并不能得以阐释。而依据我国《刑法》,对认罪认罚从宽制度的合理性则可以从形式逻辑、实质逻辑以及价值理念三个维度予以充分证成。由此可知,认罪认罚从宽制度本质上系《刑法》中的一种刑罚裁量制度,认罪认罚本质上是法定的从宽量刑情节。在定罪层面,犯罪嫌疑人、被告人只需自愿承认不法事实系其所为,即构成"认罪",而无需准确评价自身行为的法律性质并准确识别具体罪名;在量刑层面,"认罚"考察的重点是犯罪嫌疑人、被告人的悔罪态度和悔罪表现。应当通过刑法立法的方式将认罪认罚从宽制度与自首制度、坦白制度部分重叠地整合在一起,以避免"概念混同""重复评价"的错误倾向。     

“党建”与“共建”:形塑基层社会治理格局的双重逻辑——基于杭州市D区的考察

从党的政策表述及当前实践来看,基层社会治理格局的形塑过程蕴含着“党建”与“共建”的双重逻辑。“党建”的出发点是巩固党的组织优势和执政基础,表现为基层组织体系从“有形覆盖”走向“有效覆盖”,进而为引领基层社会治理准备条件。“共建”要求探索“一核多元”的治理模式,既要实现基层党组织对“共建”力量的联结和协调,也要保障多元治理主体的有效参与,同步推进群众自治、社会共治和公共服务。“党建”与“共建”的双重逻辑呈现,亦关联着社会治理研究范式的更新。     

国际投资仲裁机构对涉及人权问题的投资纠纷的审理

国际投资仲裁的当事人在仲裁中提出人权方面诉求的情况在最近十几年里缓慢地增加了,仲裁庭只有在仲裁管辖条款能够覆盖人权问题,并且当事人所选择的适用法能够为人权问题的解决提供指引的情况下,才能就与投资有关的人权纠纷做出裁决。现有的国际投资仲裁机构自身存在很多缺陷,不适宜作为审理与投资有关的人权问题的理想场所。我国应该支持与投资有关的人权问题主要通过东道国的司法途径进行救济。