加强城市房屋拆迁中被拆迁人权利保障

我国城市化浪潮中大规模的城市房屋拆迁,在一定程度上改善了居民整体生活环境和卫生条件的同时,也引发大量的拆迁纠纷和拆迁冲突。由于缺乏有力的权利保障和救济机制,被拆迁人的合法权利难于保障。我们应从立法、行政、司法等领域加强和疏通对处于弱势地位的被拆迁人的权利保障和救济,还公民私权以应有的尊严。     

言论自由与名誉权的法律冲突及其诉讼规则

当前,我国审判实践对于名誉权以及公民言论自由权利的平衡存在较为明显的困境。在名誉侵权案件中现行诉讼规则和司法解释并没有将同样重要的言论自由权纳入保护的范围。言论自由与名誉权在权利本质上具有一定的紧张关系,其冲突的诉讼规则必须在举证责任分配、权利配置方式等方面平衡宪法性的言论自由与民法视野中的名誉权。     

居住权问题检讨

在物权法制定过程中,学术界对于我国物权法是否应当规定居住权制度存在较大争议.但是,经过详细检讨后发现,赞成者的观点在方法论和具体观点上都存在一定的问题,而反对者亦未能有效论证己方观点.此时应当依据论证负担分配规则得出不支持承担论证负担一方的结论,即我国物权法不应当规定居住权制度.     

公民养老权涵义论析

养老权是一项基本人权.在我国,养老权的权利主体是60周岁以上的公民,养老权的义务主体是国家、社会、家庭和个人.养老权的内容包括生活保障权、医疗保障权和受赡养扶助权.养老权具有普遍性、资格性、基础性、社会性、综合性的特点.     

应然与实然——刑事被追诉人知情权的现状评析及其扩展

刑事被追诉人(即犯罪嫌疑人、被告人)知情权(或称知悉权)是伴随程序主体地位的确立而提出来的.现代刑事诉讼理念要求在诉讼构造的设计方面,努力追求控辩双方的平等对抗.结合我国的刑事司法实践,就需要强化被追诉人的防御权体系,以追求攻防的相对均衡,而知情权则是这一防御权体系的前提和基础.我国现行的刑事诉讼法关于被追诉人知情权的规定尚存不足,需要强化并改进.对被追诉人知情权的探讨离不开对现有法律规定的分析,需要从实然与应然的角度做出评析,不仅要明确知情权,而且还要保障知情权的实现.     

Electoral volatility and parties’ ideological responsiveness

For a number of decades now, scholars have been indicating that ties between citizens and parties are eroding. As a consequence, electoral behaviour has become more volatile and also more unpredictable. The consequences of this process of change on parties’ strategic behaviour have, however, received little attention. In this article, the impact of dealignment on parties’ strategic behaviour is examined, with the focus being on the extent to which parties are responsive to the mean voter. The expectation of dealignment allowing parties ‘to move around more freely’ leads to the hypothesis that parties are more responsive in a context of dealignment. The analyses provide evidence that is in line with this expectation. Ideological responsiveness is conditioned by the level of volatility in the electorate. The conclusion to draw from these results is that dealignment, which profoundly affects voters’ behaviour, leads parties to become more responsive to the mean voter.     

How people organise cultural attitudes: cultural belief systems and the populist radical right

Political scientists generally agree that all individuals structure their cultural attitudes in the same unidimensional fashion. However, various populist radical right parties remarkably combine moral progressiveness with conservatism regarding immigration-related issues. This suggests that the structuring of cultural attitudes among the electorate may also be more complex than typically assumed. Applying Correlational Class Analysis to representative survey data, the study uncovers three cultural belief systems. For individuals adhering to an integrated one, all cultural attitudes are interdependent, as typically assumed. However, two alternative belief systems are also uncovered: intermediate and partitioned. In the latter, positions on one cultural attitude (e.g. ethnocentrism) are barely related to positions on others (e.g. rejecting Islam or opposing homosexuality). The existence of multiple cultural belief systems challenges the widely held assumption that all people organise their cultural attitudes similarly. Both political party agendas and individuals’ education level and religion appear key to understanding variation in belief systems.     

Demonisation and electoral support for populist radical right parties: A temporary effect

Since the 1980s, Western Europe has experienced the surge of populist radical right parties. In an attempt to ward off these electoral newcomers, established parties have pursued strategies of disengagement, such as exclusion and de-legitimisation. This study examines the electoral effects of an excessive form of de-legitimisation, which we label ‘demonisation’. We estimate the effects of demonisation on electoral support for the Dutch Freedom Party (PVV) and its predecessor Groep Wilders. Time series analyses show that demonisation has a negative effect on electoral support, but only for Groep Wilders. Once the populist radical right party has made a successful entry into the party system, demonisation does not have its intended consequences.     

Gender,populist attitudes,and voting: explaining the gender gap in voting for populist radical right and populist radical left parties

Empirical studies have demonstrated that compared to almost all other parties, populist radical right (PRR) parties draw more votes from men than from women. However, the two dominant explanations that are generally advanced to explain this disparity – gender differences regarding socio-economic position and lower perceptions regarding the threat of immigrants – cannot fully explain the difference. The article contends that it might actually be gender differences regarding the conceptualisation of society and politics – populist attitudes – that explain the gender gap. Thus, the gap may be due, in part, to differences in socialisation. The article analyses EES 2014 data on voting for the populist radical right and the populist radical left in nine European countries. Across countries, the gender gap in voting for the PRR is indeed partly explained by populist attitudes. For populist radical left parties, the results are less clear, suggesting that populism has different meanings to voters on the left and on the right.     

The rise of the far right in Greece and opposition to ‘othering’, hate speech,and crime by civil and civic organizations

This article focuses on forms of opposition to ‘othering’ and far-right politics in present-day Greece. This opposition takes a variety of forms, comes from a range of actors, and is motivated by a number of concerns with differing assessments of what should be done. More specifically, the article focuses on the far right in Greece and discrimination, hate speech, and hate crime against the ‘other’ from the perspectives of those who are active in mobilizing against racism and counteracting the country’s populist and neo-nationalist turn. Concentrating on the forces opposing discrimination, the analysis describes present-day social movements and actions from grassroots to governmental level, their strategies and politics, their diversity of thought and action, and their contribution in providing the resources for social change, and the production of new meaning in the context of anti-racism in Greece. Trying to provide answers as to how social movements and activists produce meaning, we argue that activists develop less intentional, inadvertent meanings which emerge in the course of the not-always conscious schemas of their struggle. This calls for a more dynamic explanation of the relationship between practice and meaning-making in social movement contexts.