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141.
Abstract We study the degree of convergence or divergence in fiscal decentralization in the European Union over the period 1995–2015 using a club convergence approach. First, we analyze non-central expenditure and revenue as percentages of GDP, of total expenditure and of total revenue. The results for the EU-15 countries indicate some clustering, with three clubs formed when using GDP and four to five when using total revenue or expenditure. Second, we study the gap between expenditure and revenue as a proxy of fiscal responsibility. This results in three and two clubs respectively, with Denmark as the divergent country with the highest gap. Finally, we analyze potential unions of clubs and transitions. We also interpret our results taking into account variables found in the literature as determinants of fiscal decentralization. These results show how European countries are quite heterogeneous in terms of fiscal federalism and decentralization, with greater convergence in fiscal responsibility than in the other magnitudes. 相似文献
142.
Saatvika Rai 《政策研究评论》2020,37(4):444-463
The United States is experiencing growing impacts of climate change but currently receives a limited policy response from its national leadership. Within this policy void, many state governments are stepping up and taking action on adaptation planning. Yet we know little about why some states adopt State Adaptation Plans (SAPs), while others do not. This article investigates factors that predict the emergence of SAPs, both in terms of policy adoption and policy intensity (goal ambitiousness). Applying the diffusion of innovation theory, I consider the relative influence of internal state characteristics, regional pressures, and test for conditional effects between government ideologies and severity of the problem. The results show interesting differences between predictors that influence policy adoption and ambitiousness. States are more motivated to adopt a policy when faced with greater climate vulnerability, have more liberal citizenry, and where governments have crossed policy hurdles by previously passing mitigation plans. The intensity of policies and goal setting, moreover, is more likely to be driven by interest group politics and diffuse through policy learning or sharing information among neighboring states in Environmental Protection Agency regions. These findings support an emerging scholarship that uses more complex dependent variables in policy analysis. These variables have the potential to differentiate symbolic from substantive policies and capture finer information about predictors of importance. 相似文献
143.
Ihwan Susila Raja Nerina Raja Yusof Anton Agus Setyawan Farid Wajdi 《Journal of Political Marketing》2020,19(1-2):153-175
Communication in political marketing plays an important role in political mobilization, building trust both in political actors and the government. Politicians construct their messages through careful branding as the power of the cultural symbols and signs conveyed through the brand are potent heuristic devices. This is particularly important in emerging democracies, where there is limited political knowledge and understanding. Therefore, this research explores how young voters understand the symbolic communication fashioned by political actors in Indonesia and how it relates to their brand. Indonesia is an interesting area for study; it is both secular and the world’s largest Muslim democracy. Using a phenomenological approach, a total of 19 in-depth interviews with young voters were conducted to gain rich insight into perceptions of the complexity of political symbolism, and trust among young voters. This study conceptualized political communication as a dual approach. The political brand promise is intrinsically linked to cultural references and conveyed through symbolic communication combined with a distinctive brand message. This builds trust, which then affects political participation. This conceptual framework provides insights into the importance of culture in branding which has implications for policy makers and actors in emerging and established democracies. 相似文献
144.
章安邦 《浙江省政法管理干部学院学报》2020,34(4):149-160
人工智能时代的司法权面临大数据、云计算、区块链等信息革命成果的重大刺激和影响。中国的司法权理论在人工智能时代亟需建构新的理想图景。在法律适用与事实认定上,人工智能将相关关系的思维方式引入裁判决策,通过大数据库实现“同案同判”,并导致司法权从被动行使到主动出场。在司法的公正价值与效率追求上,人工智能的应用将带来司法成本的锐减、司法效率的指数级提升、司法公正的重新审视以及裁判主体的智能化建构。在司法的制度规制与技术约束上,信息技术的硬约束将代替司法制度的软规范,可以运用区块链技术升级证人保护制度以及尝试建构审前风险评估制度。 相似文献
145.
褚国建 《浙江省政法管理干部学院学报》2020,34(6):86-94
从“推进党的制度建设科学化”到“加快党内法规制度体系建设”,体现了我国政党治理法治化的发展趋势。法律的政治化与政治的法治化是近代以来世界民主法治建设的基本发展特点,党内法规制度建设应当以法治与政治的统一性原理建构其理论基础。要以政治性引领党内法规制度体系建设,确保其规范内容上体现先进性、规范目的上聚焦领导力、规范渊源上关照实践面。同时,更要以法治性补强以往党的制度建设的短板,运用法治思维和法治方式加快党内法规制度体系建设,增强其概念的可通用性、体系的可衔接性、执行的可协同性。 相似文献
146.
舒放 《中国劳动关系学院学报》2009,23(2)
近年来,我国的劳动争议案件逐年增多,且呈现复杂化、群体化、涉外化等趋势.我国政府为了实现社会公正,走上了通过扩大劳动者个人的权利来解决劳动争议的路子,致使劳动者、企业单位、工会、行政权力以及法院在处理劳动争议过程中的职能、地位发生扭曲.所以必须关注并完善劳资双方的信用关系、工会的职能与地位、行政权力在劳动争议处理中的地位和权威、法院最后的司法救济,从深层次解决原来的处理体制"用其所短"的弊端,实现劳资关系的和谐. 相似文献
147.
自愿承受风险在美国侵权法中是被告可以主张的绝对抗辩.以自愿承受风险原则的发展历程为线索,对自愿承受风险的起源与发展、自愿承受风险的各种形态以及比较过失制度对自愿承受风险的影响进行介绍与评析,揭示了自愿承受风险原则在美国侵权法中所经历的沉浮与变迁. 相似文献
148.
郭鹏 《河北公安警察职业学院学报》2007,7(1):18-21
对刑事侦查行为进行必要的司法审查是平衡诉讼格局、对侦查活动进行有效监督、合理分配侦查实施权和侦查监督权以及保障犯罪嫌疑人合法权利的必然要求.司法审查应由法院来实施,法院有权对侦查主体是否适格、证据是否合法、程序是否正当等进行审查.文章认为,实施对侦查活动的司法审查还有赖于对司法权力的合理配置、对检察机关职权和地位的再认识以及对法院体制和法官任用管理体制的改革,才能发挥出应有的效果. 相似文献
149.
法官自由裁量客观存在于法律推理过程中;审判三段论的大前提和小前提分别蕴涵着法官对适用法律和案件事实的自由裁量;在实质法律推理中法官通过价值判断进行自由裁量. 相似文献
150.
余涛 《湖北警官学院学报》2007,20(1):30-33
我国对于行政自由裁量权的合理性审查标准迫切需要重构。比例原则是大陆法系国家通过判例和理论发展起来的相当成熟的审查原则和标准,可资我国借鉴。本文研究比例原则的概念、渊源和适用领域,分析其在司法适用上的局限性,并就其在我国行政诉讼中运用的若干问题进行探讨。 相似文献