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141.
山东省德州市"希森现象"是民营企业推进建设社会主义新农村的典型."梁希森现象"在处理土地置换、民营产业资本与村庄建设结合的运作方式等方面做出了有益尝试,提出了民营企业推进社会主义新农村建设中地方政府如何定位问题以及如何保障农民土地权益等问题.  相似文献   
142.
Relying on rarely analyzed public opinion data from the 1930s and early 1940s, we take issue with the notion popular in contemporary liberal circles that the New Deal era represented a period of expansive commitment to the security and well-being of the poor and politically disenfranchised. At least where the public is concerned—as opposed to the progressive policy makers in the Roosevelt administration—the jobless were regarded with suspicion, immigrants should be forced to “go home,” women belong in the kitchen not on the shop floor. The harsher the economic conditions (by state), the more conservative were the public attitudes. Hence New Deal legislative victories accrued despite rather than because of public support.
Elisabeth JacobsEmail:
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143.
《Patterns of Prejudice》2012,46(3):62-76
Mathyl examines two representatives of the Russian groupuscular right-Arctogaia and the National-Bolskevik Party-and their emergence after the collapse of the Soviet system in 1991, in the context of the radicalization of Russian nationalism that took place during the inter-Russian power struggle of 1992-3. The ideological arsenal of these groups consists principally of a politico-historical reconciliation between western (neo-)fascism and authoritarian nationalist Russian and Soviet traditions, in which those traditions are intensified and synthesized into a new kind of 'national Bolshevism'. The success of neo-fascist groupuscules demonstrates how potentially explosive the fascist diagnosis of the status quo can behaving been preserved virtually intact since 1945-when it meets with a new situation of high political instability and is employed in intensive political propaganda, as was the case in post-perestroika Russia. Following the nationalists' military defeat in October 1993, the Russian groupuscular right attempted both to maintain the revolutionary impetus and, through a variety of cultural-political activities, to contribute to the gradual enlargement of the nationalist-imperialist project, thereby demonstrating its close connection to the New Right and its strategy of struggling for cultural hegemony. Since the end of the 1990s, there has been, within the groupuscular right, both an increasingly apparent ideological transfer from East to West, and evidence of the growing influence of national Bolshevism on western third-positionist groups.  相似文献   
144.
《Patterns of Prejudice》2012,46(3):217-238
ABSTRACT

The New Black Panther Party for Self-Defense has been a cause du scandale since it was formed in the early 1990s. Indeed, the Anti-Defamation League has described it as ‘the largest organized anti-Semitic and racist black militant group in America’. It is somewhat surprising, then, that there has been very little detailed analysis of the party and its activities. Mulloy begins to fill this gap by outlining the origins and development of the party, and by closely examining the ongoing dispute between the New Black Panthers and surviving members of the original Black Panther Party—established by Huey Newton and Bobby Seale in Oakland, California in 1966—over the right to claim the name, the history and the legacy of the Panthers in the United States. Critically assessing the strategies and actions of the New Black Panthers, Mulloy argues that its high-profile, media-centred approach to political activism has largely been a failure with regard to its overall aim of reviving the Black Power movement in the United States.  相似文献   
145.
新制度经济学意识形态理论包含有新制度经济学对意识形态及其基本取向的认知,与马克思主义意识形态理论具有本质不同。基于马克思主义意识形态理论,借由对新制度经济学意识形态理论之理论预设、方法论、意识形态基本功用、意识形态变迁推动力、理论构建语境、理论旨趣、理论实践目标冲突的解读,可以发现其在如下方面存在问题:理论预设缺乏经验事实支持、方法论个人主义与意识形态的社会性相抵牾、以降低交易成本为意识形态的基本功用、以非阶级因素为意识形态变迁推动力、以西方世界为理论构建的基本语境、以解释西方世界为基本目标、以资本主义意识形态为永恒存在。对这种对立的批判性比较研究有利于清晰认识新制度经济学意识形态理论的本质,以更好维护我国意识形态安全。  相似文献   
146.
《Patterns of Prejudice》2012,46(1):45-60
ABSTRACT

Margaret Fuller's visit to Italy as a correspondent for the New York Tribune at the time of the 1848 revolutions gave her a unique perspective on them, not only as a feminist intellectual but also as a commentator on the American relationship with revolutionary Europe. In her Tribune writings she addressed issues at once more partisan and more global than those she had covered inside the United States, including the political condition of Italy as a subject state under Austrian imperial control, and as an object of ridicule by many American observers, and the condition of American slavery. Italian peoples and slaves, in her mind, were, like women, oppressed by a transatlantic patriarchy whose prejudices allowed only for white males to enjoy political independence. Fuller called for American support for the Roman republic, but her sympathies did not reflect the thrust of American opinion. Many Americans did not believe Italians were capable of maintaining republican self-government, which was different, they alleged, from their own version, part of the inheritance of the American Revolution. That heritage conferred a unique American revolutionary ‘exceptionalism’. For these Americans, the 1848 revolutions provided evidence that Europe was impulsive, reactionary and flawed; they saw in them confirmation of the superiority of American race relations and democratic society. After her death in 1850, the American Civil War would confirm Fuller's implicit sense that the United States and Europe were more alike than many Americans of her generation believed or realized. Her critique of American attitudes to the prospect for democracy in Italy provides perspective on the ambiguity of American global leadership today.  相似文献   
147.
所谓现代性佛学研究,是非以信仰取向为主的对佛学相对客观性学术论述或相关探讨。辛亥革命以后至1949年,在困难的学术条件下,中国依然涌现了一些现代性宗教研究的典范学者,如从根本上质疑一切古代中国经文翻译的正确性和系统解明异质佛教思想形成相关背景的吕澂、首开使用敦煌禅宗史料研究从达磨到神会的新禅宗史的胡适等。1949年后的台湾地区在"解严"前(1949—1987),"胡适禅学案"等即可说明现代佛教学术研究的继续;"解严"后(1987—2011),虽无再度出现如吕澂或印顺这样的研究巨人,但却有区域性佛教现代史或断代佛教社会文化史各类优秀著作相继出现。中国新佛教史的体系性建构与佛教思想的批判性诠释的百年薪火,不只没有完全断裂过,而是更善于转型和趋于多元化。  相似文献   
148.
ABSTRACT

This article focuses on the animal advocacy movement (AAM) in the Baltic countries of Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania. Taking an intersectional perspective, I examine whether and how key animal activists in the Baltics see links between animal rights and other social justice issues. I also consider how the movement communicates its messages to the general public in settings where ideas around animal justice and possibilities for animal advocacy are relatively recent and unfamiliar. This analysis contributes to debates regarding possibilities for intersectional activism and collaboration between social justice movements in the Baltics and beyond.  相似文献   
149.
新《刑事诉讼法》对司法鉴定制度做了如下修改:纠正了"鉴定结论"不准确的提法,还原了司法鉴定之本质;删除了"人身伤害的重新鉴定或者精神病医学鉴定由省级人民政府指定医院进行"的规定,理顺了司法鉴定体制;明确了鉴定人应当出庭作证的范围,确立了鉴定意见的传闻排除规则;增强了鉴定人参与诉讼的权利保护;增设了专家辅助人制度,使鉴定意见的质证程序有望实质化。这些修改是司法鉴定程序立法的重大进步,然而鉴定人权利保障体系尚有待健全。  相似文献   
150.
《Justice Quarterly》2012,29(4):701-722
Although research indicates that initial media reports greatly exaggerated the severity of violent crime in post‐Katrina New Orleans, it is not yet clear whether violence in general was a problem for storm victims. In this study, data from a unique survey of storm victims are used to estimate the overall threat of violence faced by those who were hardest hit by the storm and who lived through the disaster in New Orleans. The findings suggest that, while the threat of violent victimization was very real for some respondents, it did not dominate the experience of these storm victims. These findings are discussed in terms of their implications for the social construction of law and order, the persistence of disaster myths, negative stereotyping of the urban poor, and crime control issues in the context of disaster management and planning.  相似文献   
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