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331.
面对正处在转型时期的社会 ,人们的法制观念越来越强。社会的发展如此迅速 ,要使法律体系逐步完备就必须完善立法 ,而要使立法完善 ,立法程序的完善就必然置于首位。我国的立法程序经过了二十多年的发展 ,已经逐步趋于成熟 ,但仍然存在着或多或少的问题需要进一步改善。全国人大是我国的最高立法机关 ,因此全国人大立法程序的完善就显得尤为重要。 相似文献
332.
唐山市公安局 《河北公安警察职业学院学报》2003,3(3):8-11
面对新形势、新任务,各级公安机关必须认真贯彻落实党的十六大精神,掌握强大的思想武器,站在时代的高度,立足职能,把毫不动摇地抓好维护稳定工作作为公安工作第一要务,为全面建设小康社会保驾护航. 相似文献
333.
以十六大精神为指导做好医院工会工作 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
张育红 《中国劳动关系学院学报》2003,17(4):64-65
对于医院工会来说,要改变以往为活动而活动的方式,必须围绕医院中心任务开展各项工作,把为医院的中心工作创造良好的氛围和环境,作为组织活动的出发点,特别是要把医院职工的思想和文化建设,以及提高职工的综合素质作为工会工作的主要任务. 相似文献
334.
Stuart J Kaufman 《South African Journal of International Affairs》2017,24(4):501-521
The end of apartheid in South Africa is typically characterised as ‘peaceful’. However, between 1985 and 1995, South Africa experienced a civil war in which more than 20,000 people died. In this war, the African National Congress (ANC) implemented a strategy of ‘people’s war’ based on Vietnam’s experience while the government pursued a counterinsurgency strategy based on models employed by the United States. In the war’s second phase, the ANC and Inkatha employed unconventional tactics in a campaign to gain political and military control of disputed territory. Owing to its success in the war, the ANC was able to prevent its rivals from significantly limiting its power in the central government after 1994 as well as exclude Inkatha from operating in key areas even in its home province. 相似文献
335.
国内外形势的发展为深化我国经济体制改革带来了严峻的挑战和难得的机遇 ,必须顺应潮流 ,抓住重点 ,整体推进 ,实现经济体制改革新突破 ,开创全面建设小康社会的新局面。 相似文献
336.
Adnan Farooqui 《英联邦与比较政治学杂志》2016,54(3):331-361
This paper analyses the defeat of the Congress party in the India’s 2014 election in which it plummeted to its lowest ever vote share (19 per cent) and seat tally (44 of 543). We argue that the defeat is the end result of a gradual decline punctuated by recoveries that began much earlier. We show that the Congress was gradually becoming less competitive in more and more states and constituencies as indicated by its falling to third position or worse. We try to relate this to the desertion of the party by social groups that once supported it in a number of states and other factors. The larger question is whether a Congress-type, encompassing, umbrella party can survive the sharpened politicisation of social cleavages, in the Indian case, religious, caste and regional cleavages since such a party will tend to lose out to parties based on religious, caste and regional identities in identitarian outbidding. 相似文献
337.
Norshahril Saat 《圆桌》2016,105(2):195-203
AbstractThe resounding victory of the People’s Action Party (PAP) in the 2015 Singapore general elections surprised many observers. Several observers had considered the previous election, held in 2011, to be the new normal in Singapore politics, with the Workers’ Party being the first opposition party to win a Group Representative Constituency (GRC). Instead of its popular vote sliding from 60% in 2011, the PAP secured almost a 10% increase in its fortunes. Analysts have spoken about PAP’s hard work and the opposition’s failures when commenting on the ruling party’s success; this article, however, points out how Singapore’s electoral system, especially the GRC, continues to favour the ruling party and why it should be rethought. Introduced in 1988, the scheme ensures minority candidates (non-Chinese) are voted into parliament. Candidates contesting in a GRC form a team of Members of Parliament (MPs) with at least one minority candidate in each team. This article argues that the 2015 election results proves that Singaporeans no longer vote along ethnic lines, and non-Chinese MPs have comfortably led the GRCs and won in Single Member Constituencies. To be sure, the GRC scheme does new PAP candidates a disfavour: it weakens their legitimacy with voters, since they remain under the shadows of senior PAP candidates and cannot win elections on their own accord. 相似文献
338.
Wenbo Chen 《The Journal of Legislative Studies》2016,22(2):257-275
To discuss the type of legislature, this article explores what role the National People's Congress (NPC) plays in China's political system, particularly in legislation. According to Mezey's study (Comparative Legislatures, 1979), he defines ‘minimal legislatures’ as being characterised by having little or no policy-making power and being more supported by the elite. The assumption is that the NPC is a minimal legislature, acting as a rubber stamp for the executive. This study is used to test this assumption. The findings show that the NPC does play an important role in the whole political system, especially in legislation, though the NPC has typically been under the control of China's Communist Party. The findings also call into question the continued applicability of Mezey's classic typology legislatures given the development of the Chinese legislature. A new approach for classifying legislatures is introduced based on the institutionalisation and professionalisation of a legislature. 相似文献
339.
吴建平 《中国劳动关系学院学报》2023,37(5):10-23
职工代表大会是中国共产党创立和发展的具有中国特色的企业民主管理的基本形式,其发展动力、
参与领域以及职权,在不同历史时期表现出不同的特点。在革命时期,激发工人生产积极性是其主要发展动力;
在建设时期,社会主义意识形态和政治民主的要求成为主要发展动力;改革开放以来,维护职工合法权益日益
成为占主导地位的发展动力。职工代表大会参与的领域及其职权也在历史发展过程中日趋明确和理性,即在生
产经营事务上享有审议建议权,在事关工人切身利益的重要事项上享有审议通过权,此外还享有对企业领导的
评议监督权,以及对职工董事和职工监事的选举权。这种职权特点既遵从了资本增殖的理性要求,也关照了企
业中职工的各种合理诉求。 相似文献
340.
深入学习贯彻十七大精神是我们当前和今后一个时期的首要政治任务。我们必须充分认识党的十七大的重大意义,迅速掀起学习贯彻十七大精神的热潮。我们要全面准确地领会十七大的精神实质,深刻领会十七大的主题和十七大提出的重大理论观点、重大战略思想、重大战略目标、重大战略部署与重大方针政策。学习十七大精神要注意做到五个把握:一要学习全文,系统把握;二要正确理解,准确把握;三要全面领会,重点把握;四要深入研讨,精深把握;五要突出主题,科学把握。同时,要充分发挥党校的作用,扎扎实实做好十七大精神的学习、宣传和贯彻落实。 相似文献