独联体国家法院系统比较研究

在独联体国家中,政治体制不同的国家宪法文本中规定的内容则有很大的区别。对独联体国家中的政治体制不同的几个国家的法院系统在宪法文本规定层面上作一比较研究,通过对各国法院系统的结构、职权,法官的职责、权利、地位以及司法权和其他与司法相关的权利方面等方面进行的比较可发现这些比较研究对我国当今的司法制度有多方面的启示。     

论帮助犯罪分子逃避处罚罪之应然主体

对帮助犯罪分子逃避处罚罪主体范围的理解和适用,见仁见智。以罪刑法定为指导对本罪主体进行法条解析：本罪之应然主体以“身份说”为主,兼采“职权说”,皆以负有查禁犯罪的职责为前提。查禁犯罪活动是从调查、发现犯罪人或犯罪事实开始,到立案侦查、审查起诉这一过程的活动。负有查禁犯罪活动职责的各级党委机关中的政法委工作人员,不能成为本罪之主体。     

论重构国有企业的激励约束机制

国有企业激励约束机制的重建关系到国有企业的生存与发展 ,重建国有企业激励约束机制是一项复杂的系统工程 ,只有从所有权、委托代理及会计人和经营人员等方面去进行改革 ,进行公司治理 ,才能建立起有效的国有企业激励约束机制     

论依法治国进程中的法律文化建设

在推进依法治国 ,建设社会主义法治国家的进程中 ,应当把法律文化的建设放在与制度变革同等重要的地位。文章分析了中国法律文化缺乏法治因素的原因 ;中国传统法律文化对依法治国进程的负面影响 ;并对如何建设顺应建设法治国家目标的法律文化进行了探讨     

经济全球化与国家主权

经济全球化是21世纪世界经济发展的大趋势。经济全球化的不断发展,对现代主权国家在国际体系中的地位作用、对国家主权的范围等产生了强烈的冲击和影响。“历史终结论”、“民族国家终结论”、“主权终结论”、“超国家主义”等观点是站不住脚的。主权观念没有过时。面对经济全球化给国家主权带来的挑战,包括中国在内的广大发展中国家,应积极寻求维护国家主权的基本对策。     

The wage share and government job creation in Sweden, 1900–2016

ABSTRACT

This investigation explores the long-run relationship between the wage share in the non-construction private sector and government efforts to create jobs in public services and construction of infrastructure and houses, in Sweden in 1900 to 2016. In the present article, it is argued that the creation of employment with generous wages by the Swedish government has increased the bargaining power of workers outside of these sectors, thus raising the wage share, up to about 1980. Correspondingly, retrenchment from such policy has been detrimental for the wage share in recent decades. This argument is supported by the results of cointegration tests, estimation of long-run and short-run, speed of adjustment, coefficients, as well as by Impulse-response functions. While government consumption is often found to be an important determinant for the wage share, earlier research has neglected the full labor market effect of government job creation associated with an expansion of the welfare state. Sweden is an ideal case for studying the impact of welfare policy on the wage share, since it has been one of the most extensive welfare states and simultaneously has been one of the most egalitarian countries in the world.     

Securitization,insecurity and conflict in contemporary Xinjiang: has PRC counter-terrorism evolved into state terror?

ABSTRACT

In the Introduction to this special issue, I first provide an overview of the programme of 'de-extremification' and mass internment in Xinjiang since early 2017. I then situate this development against the ‘ideological turn’ in Chinese Communist Party policy under President Xi Jinping, highlighting the new emphasis on stability maintenance and ideational governance. Next, I explore experiences of (in)security in Uyghur communities in- and outside of Xinjiang in the era of internment to consider how far PRC counter-terrorism initiatives have now evolved into state terror. In doing so, I apply Ruth Blakeley's (2012) definition of state terror as a deliberate act of violence against civilians, or threat of violence where a climate of fear is already established by earlier acts of violence; as perpetrated by actors on behalf of or in conjunction with the state; as intended to induce extreme fear in target observers who identify with the victim; and as forcing the target audience to consider changing its behaviour. Finally, I discuss the six contributions to the special issue.     

论共产党治党治国的理论创新

“三个代表”重要思想无疑是马克思主义中国化的最新理论成果,那么,他“新”在何处呢?从无产阶级政党治党治国这一角度来看,“三个代表”重要思想的理论创新主要表现在他解决了中国共产党“为谁执政”、在执政过程中“如何治党”、“如何治国”的根本问题,深化了对人类社会发展规律、执政党的执政规律和社会主义建设规律的认识,开辟了马克思主义发展的新境界。     

对“一国两制”提出的实际根据和理论依据的思考

"一国两制"构想不是一天形成的,也不是偶然提出的,更不是凭空想出来的.它是在党的十一届三中全会以后,邓小平同志从我国社会发展的客观需要出发提出的."一国两制"构想的提出有着充分的实际根据和可靠的理论依据,是理论与实际的紧密结合.     

紧急状态入宪的宪法学思考

把“戒严”改为“紧急状态”成为 2 0 0 4年修宪的焦点之一。本文从五个方面对紧急状态入宪进行宪法学思考 :紧急状态的内涵和外延比戒严更能反映社会现实的宪法要求 ;将戒严修改为紧急状态是宪法职能转变的标志之一 ;紧急状态入宪使得国家紧急权具有正当性 ;紧急状态入宪整合了我国现有法律体系中的各项具体紧急状态立法 ,为制定《紧急状态法》提供了宪法依据 ;紧急状态入宪丰富了宪法秩序的内涵。