Independent Mayors and Local Lists in Large Polish Cities: Towards a Non-partisan Model of Local Government?

The enormous success of local independent lists and independent mayors in Poland suggests it is important to examine their distinctive features, analyse the place they occupy in local politics, and explore the model of local government they encourage. This paper deals with these topics by investigating some extreme cases of non-partisanship at the local level. Research was conducted in three arbitrarily chosen Polish cities governed by independent mayors and dominated by independent lists in the local legislatures. Mixed quantitative and qualitative methods were used: a survey among city councillors; and individual key-informant interviews (IDI). Non-partisans appear to be a separate category of local politicians, different in terms of their views on politics. They explain their non-partisanship using anti-partisan, historical or tactical justifications. It seems that non-partisanship can be a means of institutionalising a particular manner of understanding and engaging in politics. Local lists organised by independent mayors are informal, concentrating on the leader and performing only some of the traditional functions of parties. This paper demonstrates that, due to the vague nature of the links between local politicians and their administration, independent councillors may serve only as a ‘democratic addition’ to a local administration headed by a skilful manager.     

Semi-presidentialism,moderating power and inclusive governance. The experience of Timor-Leste in consolidating democracy

The relationship between the choice of a government system, namely semi-presidentialism, and the performance of democracy is the subject of current debate. This article considers Elgie's proposal for a positive correlation between premier-presidential forms of semi-presidentialism and the success of democratic transitions, and discusses the way in which Timor-Leste fits the model as well as the need for a clear view of the incentive mechanisms at play. It further analyses the importance of “independent” presidents with “moderating powers” as a way of achieving inclusive governance and to facilitate democratic consolidation. Contrary to suppositions that attribute a tendency for president-parliamentary regimes to succumb to conflict between the main political actors, the case of Timor-Leste suggests that the definition of the president's role as a “moderator”, and the exercise of the function by “independent”, non-party personalities counteracts such inclinations with positive effects on democratic consolidation.     

Frustration: The mold of judicial philosophy

Abstract

The Framers understood the Constitution to be the fundamental expression of the rule of law over against the arbitrary, intemperate, and unjust “rule of men” that all too frequently existed in the political world, unfortunately both democratic as well as monarchical. Accordingly, the rule of law requires a well functioning political and legal system that includes legislative checks and balances, the separation of power between the President and Congress, an independent judiciary, federalism, etc. What happens when this “Madisonian” constitutional system, designed to express “the deliberate sense of the community,” runs into a Judicial branch that, in effect, claims we live under a Constitution, but the Constitution is what we say it is. Must the Judiciary itself be subject to the rule of law, and the decisions of a constitutional majority, or does their “independence” extend to being independent of the constraints of the rule of law and, thus, decent majority rule? How did the original John Marshall Court answer these questions, and what light do the leading cases and controversies shed on the relationship between the Marshall Court and the Madisonian System? Are we facing a situation of Marshall v. Madison?     

刑事被害人的诉讼权利保障问题研究

在刑事诉讼程序中对被害人参与权的改革和发展,是国际刑事司法政策一个突出的方面。保护被害人的权利是刑事诉讼机制科学、公正的价值体现。刑事诉讼中不仅要完善对被告人诉讼权利的保护,而且应当同时重视和加强对被害人诉讼权利的保护,只有这样,才能更完整、充分地体现刑事诉讼中人权保障的含义,不致使诉讼活动偏离公正的轨道。     

论我国独立量刑程序的构建

＂重定罪、轻量刑＂,＂法官自由裁量权过大＂等现象是我国司法实践中较突出的问题,直接影响到量刑的公正性。构建独立的量刑程序,成为解决这一问题的主流观点。以程序为视角,可以探讨出独立量刑程序的内在价值。     

再论独立董事制度在中国的适用

独立董事制度在中国的适用目前仍然充满争议。本文从我国上市公司特殊的股权结构入手,充分论证了独立董事制度是解决我国上市公司治理中存在的根拳问题应选择的改革路径。参照国外的经验和模式,对独立董事制度的定义、功能以及任免机制等均作了阐述和分析．并对现有独立董事制度的改进提出了改进建议,以期对符合中国国情的独立量事法律制度的完善有所裨益。     

食品安全监管主体的模式转换与法治化

近年来食品安全形势严峻,导致各国食品安全监管体制改革,我国政府同样在努力探索有效的食品安全监管模式。采取独立监管模式和社会性监管模式是近年来各国改革的趋势,我国应当加以借鉴。我国食品安全监管机构职权设定、变更应当法治化,为此需要健全我国的行政组织法。     

日本独立行政法人化改革及其对中国的启示

日本独立行政法人改革的对象主要是科技、教育、文化、卫生等领域的公共服务机构 ,主要内容包括组织管理和财务制度、人事制度和绩效评估制度等方面。其经验对我国的事业单位体制改革具有一定借鉴作用     

论协同性辩护理论

在对独立辩护人理论进行反思的基础上,在将被告人辩护能力加以激活的前提下,有必要提出一种旨在对辩护律师与委托人关系进行重新调整的协同性辩护理论。根据这一理论,辩护律师作为委托人辩护权的协助行使者,不应垄断这一诉讼权利的行使,而应在激活委托人辩护权的前提下,与其经过充分协商和讨论,形成协调一致的辩护思路,并确立各自在刑事辩护中的分工角色,最大限度地形成刑事辩护的合力,从而追求较为理想的辩护效果。假如我们接受了这一新的理论,那么,诸如被告人的阅卷权、辩护律师的告知和沟通义务、法庭上被告人与辩护律师席位的布局、辩护律师无效辩护的后果等一系列制度安排,都应被纳入辩护制度改革的议程。     

论独立董事的功能

现行规定对独立董事的功能定位模糊 ,容易引起独立董事和监事会的功能冲突 ,本文通过对独立董事制度功能的考察和比较 ,提出在界定独立董事功能时应考虑的方向。