对党校期刊办刊特色的几点思考

如何把党校期刊做大做强、办出自身的特色,是党校期刊目前面临的最重要的问题之一.党校期刊的特色是由其自身的性质、地位和作用决定的,它突出表现在鲜明的党性、理论联系实际以及较强的应用性这三个方面.党校期刊的特色化建设,必须凸显党校特点,创办特色栏目,突出地域特色,充分发挥党校的资源优势;同时还必须强化编辑主体的特色意识,提高编辑主体的学术水平和学术创新能力.     

在法治社会中如何做到"以德治国"

伴随当代中国的社会转型 ,中国的传统伦理道德发生了剧烈的嬗变。嬗变中的伦理道德将走向何方 ?伦理道德是否具有通过调适实现自身绵延的可能 ,伦理道德应定位在多大的合理空间 ,中国将如何从伦理社会走向法治社会 ,在法治社会中做到“以德治国”。本文探讨并回答了这些问题。     

A Crowded Stage: Liabilities and Benefits of Multiparty Mediation

In today's environment, the international response to conflict often entails multiple mediators as well as other third-party actors such as peacekeeping forces, development agencies, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), and lone operators. Such a profusion of actors has often made peacemaking efforts messy, difficult, and at times chaotic. The vicious nature of internal conflicts, however, and the high costs for the international community of failing to prevent or end war make it critical to understand these multiple third-party interventions. The principal question is: do these multiparty mediations help or hurt the cause of peace? If the answer to that question is that a multiplicity of third parties can hurt a peace process, does the solution lie in stopping multiple third-party attempts at peacemaking? On the other hand, if the answer is that multiparty mediation can help, are there ways of increasing the chances that it will?     

The Attlee government and welfare state reforms in post-war Italian Socialism (1945–51): Between universalism and class policies

The purpose of this article is to analyse how the Italian socialist movement viewed the social reforms of the Attlee Labour government introduced just after the Second World War. The intention is to study the extent and limits of the labour influence on Italian socialism. The Labour Party made the re-founding of a new interclass social pact, a universal matter intending to meet the needs of both the working and middle classes. The Italian socialist movement monitored the Labour government’s changes with interest, assessing them from two different perspectives. The reformist wing had a better grasp of the political–ideological implications of Labour’s approach to the welfare state. Vice versa, the majority of the Italian socialists pursued a class socialism and a strong alliance with the Communist Party, rejecting the Labour social policy model. After the split of 1947, however, the two views of Italian socialism failed to develop and implement a political programme for a welfare state based on the British universalistic tendency model. The political weaknesses of Italian socialist organizations in the field of social policy contributed to the characterization of the Italian welfare state in the post-war period and fundamentally delayed its universalistic implementation, at least until the 1960s.     

都市生态治理中党政干部领导力探讨

推进都市生态治理是促进区域经济社会协调可持续发展的应有之义.本文以A省S市都市生态治理中党政干部领导力为基点,阐释了S市党政干部在生态治理中发挥的核心作用,同时也发现其中面临领导动力弱化、领导效益损耗、领导协同失效、领导制度选择性执行等困局.因此,应从增强都市生态治理中党政干部领导自洽力、提升领导转换力、激活领导制度力...     

新一轮服务贸易谈判若干问题

服务贸易的市场准入及进一步的规则完善是世界贸易组织多哈回合谈判中的重要议题。GATS 规则谈判中的焦点问题包括国内监管纪律、紧急保障措施、服务的政府采购及补贴等。根据香港“部长会议宣言”及附件 C,新一轮服务谈判的发展将表现在谈判目标、方法、时限及关注发展中国家利益等各个方面。我国应积极参与这些谈判,在具体承诺和规则制定方面维护自己的利益。     

我国无独立请求权第三人制度的改革与完善

我国无独立请求权第三人制度具体改革方案的设计以及相关配套措施的推进,应是引进大陆法系的从参加制度时,保障从参加人的诉讼权利,同时赋予从参加人一次性纠纷解决的选择权;而引进美国的第三方被告制度时,则需要为第三人提供更有力的保护措施。此外,还应增设交互诉讼制度,重新界定第三人的范围,将可以作为本诉共同被告的人从第三人中分离出去。     

Does the Electoral System Foster a Predominant Party System? Evidence from Turkey

This paper discusses the role of the electoral system in making the Justice and Development Party (AKP) dominant. Drawing on Sartori’s framework, we first clarify the concept of a predominant party system. Second, we examine the impact of the electoral system on the emergence of a predominant party system in Turkey. Analysing election results, we argue that the electoral system fosters dominance in three ways. First, a combination of electoral formula, national threshold and district threshold leads to over‐representation of large parties and under‐representation of small ones. Second, the fear of a wasted vote due to the high threshold prompts voters to support their second‐best option, which concentrates the votes among large parties. Finally, the electoral system increases electoral turnout rates by extending polarization.     

The Effects of Blaming Others for Legislative Inaction on Individual and Collective Evaluations

Legislators commonly blame others for gridlock. We posit that legislators may engage in this type of rhetoric to minimize the individual reputational risks associated with legislative inaction or to boost the relative standing of their party. In a series of six survey experiments, we find that blaming others for inaction undermines voters’ evaluations of individual legislators who engage in this rhetorical strategy. This effect is particularly pronounced among out-partisans and independents. However, blaming rhetoric can also enhance the standing of the blamer’s party relative to the opposing party across all groups (including out-partisans), in large part by undermining the reputations of these other actors. Ultimately, we show that when an individual legislator engages in blaming rhetoric, the immediate net electoral effects are null. This suggests that coordinated efforts by a party to blame opponents may improve the party’s relative standing, while imposing few costs on those engaged in blaming.     

Cost of ruling as a game of tones: The accumulation of bad news and incumbents’ vote loss

An extensive body of research documents how governing parties generally suffer electoral defeats. Varying explanations have been offered, most of which touch upon the liabilities of policy responsibility. Although media coverage is generally acknowledged as one of these liabilities, few empirical studies have examined how news content affect government support. Based on the fact that voters get their information about politics, policies and societal issues from the media, this article studies how the constant stream of negative news influences incumbent support over a 20-year period in Denmark. Modeling a previously untested argument on the cost of ruling, it shows that the accumulation of bad news throughout tenure exerts a substantial effect on government support.