从伦理规则到生活法则——中国传统法律制度史的另类解读

从长时段考察中国传统法律的发展和演变,特别是国家制定法的发展和演变,就可发现这样一个明显的规律:从伦理规则向生活规则的演变,这一点在有关民事方面的法律里面表现得更为明显。这一演变过程是漫长的,甚至是残酷的。它提醒我们,法律的作用不应过分夸大,立法时应注意听取民众的意见。     

论刑法适用中道德评价因素的考量

道德评价能否在刑法适用中予以考虑,是刑事司法中的难题。一方面,道德评价在刑事司法中的体现是普遍存在的实然现象;而另一方面,法治原则一般又要求道德评价不应介入司法领域,否则,依法司法的理念将受到冲击。从理论上来看,道德评价可以在刑法适用解释中予以考虑,与其让道德评价潜在地、非理性地影响刑法的解释与适用,不如理性地承认和接受道德评价因素,并对其规范、限制和合理运用。道德评价因素在刑法解释和适用中的考量既是法理的要求,也是刑法原则所许可的,那种绝对排斥道德评价的观点,看似符合法治原则,但实际上并不能成立。从社会学的视角判断,刑法适用中考量道德评价因素是社会和谐的需求,也是社会学解释方法的题中应有之义。当然,对道德评价的考量与运用,应当在法律方法论的范围内,并在对其认真甄别、选择的基础上进行。     

SCHOOLS AS COMMUNITIES: THE RELATIONSHIPS AMONG COMMUNAL SCHOOL ORGANIZATION,STUDENT BONDING,AND SCHOOL DISORDER*

Research has indicated that school factors such as communal school organization and student bonding are predictive of school disorder, with greater communal organization and greater student bonding leading to less delinquency and victimization. Data from a nationally representative sample of 254 public, nonalternative, secondary schools were used to examine structural equation models representing hypothesized relationships among communal school organization, student bonding, and school disorder. The hypothesis that communally organized schools would have less disorder held true for teacher victimization and student delinquency, but not for student victimization. In addition, the hypothesis that the relationship between communal school organization and school disorder would be mediated by student bonding was supported for student delinquency, but not for teacher victimization.     

关于警察道德建设的几点思考

警察道德建设作为一种以规范警察权力的运营为核心内容的价值建设,其效果的达成,不仅对于规范警察职业秩序、塑造警察道德品质具有重要的意义,而且对于整个社会的政治经济发展和精神文明建设也具有举足轻重的作用。进行警察道德建设,必须正确认识它的特点,克服其所面临的各种错误倾向,把握其时代的基本趋势。     

‘US, China and the Economics of Climate Negotiations’

Despite the entry into force of the Kyoto Protocol, the US decision not to comply with its Kyoto commitments seems to drastically undermine the effectiveness of the Protocol in controlling GHG emissions. Therefore, it is important to explore whether there are economic incentives that might help the US to modify its current decision and move to a more environmentally effective climate policy. For example, can an increased participation of developing countries induce the US to effectively participate in the effort to reduce GHG emissions? Is a single emission trading market the appropriate policy framework to increase the signatories of the Kyoto Protocol? This paper addresses the above questions by analysing whether the participation of China in the cooperative effort to control GHG emissions can provide adequate incentives for the US to re-join the Kyoto process and eventually ratify the Kyoto Protocol. This paper analyses three different climate regimes in which China could be involved and assesses the economic incentives for the major world countries and regions to participate in these three regimes. The main conclusion is that the participation of the US in a climate regime is not likely, at least in the short run. The US is more likely to adopt unilateral policies than to join the present Kyoto coalition (even when it includes China). However, a two bloc regime would become the most preferred option if both China and the US, for some political or environmental reasons, decide to cooperate on GHG emission control. If the US decides to cooperate, the climate regime that provides the highest economic incentives to the cooperating countries is the one in which China and the US cooperate bilaterally, with the Annex B_?US countries remaining within the Kyoto framework.     

暗香浮动:双重反致的伦理密码

追求判决一致是冲突法的古典抱负,传统反致之创设即服务于此一功效。拉塞尔开创双重反致先例之时并未释明其动机与理由。两种正相反对的解释路向彼此既不能证伪复又和谐兼容于双重反致,这表明应从第三维度即回归冲突法寻求判决一致之古典使命来解读其伦理取向。双重反致的生命力在于其能够为只能实现判决相对一致的传统反致所不能担保的判决绝对一致之目标提供绝对保证,精确致达冲突法之意向。判决一致本身不体现伦理深度,其实现方式才体现伦理深度。传统反致的相对性在于他律,双重反致的绝对性则得益于自律。立足于自律之上的双重反致移情换位于外国法院之立场,散发出为他人的伦理暗香。为他人的脆弱性及其可能走向的为难他人的背反结局使其危机再现。对我意识的终极溯源揭示了他人就是上帝的本体论结构,逃脱上帝的不可能性是对为他人伦理及作为其技术表达的双重反致之伦理困境及伦理密码的辩证破解。     

The Green New Deal Must Preserve the Existing Nuclear Fleet

Abstract

As the largest source of carbon-free energy in the United States, nuclear energy must play a vital role in reducing emissions. This article suggests the Green New Deal, an ambitious federal proposal to address climate change, should aim to preserve the existing nuclear fleet by authorizing states to establish zero emission credit (“ZEC”) programs. The ZEC programs will provide credits, in the form of revenue, for the carbon-free attribute of nuclear energy. This article posits the ZEC programs should be based on a model ZEC program developed by the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission and explicitly authorized by amendment of the Federal Power Act to avoid issues of preemption.     

How is it Possible for Democracies to Effectively Tackle Long-Term Problems?

ABSTRACT

The aim of this essay is to examine if and how it is possible for the political system of democracy to effectively tackle long-term public problems that are wicked in nature, taking climate crisis as an example. It consists of four sections. The first section is devoted to a brief historical overview of the conflict between eco-authoritarianism and ecological democracy. The following section examines if and to what extent “environmental pessimism” – disillusionment with the ability of liberal/capitalist democracies to effectively tackle long-term environmental problems – which has made a remarkable comeback since late 1980s, is empirically grounded, on the basis of performance evaluation of the contracting parties to the Kyoto Protocol (adopted on 11 December 1997 and entered into force on 16 February 2005), and the Climate Change Performance Index that evaluates and ranks the climate mitigation performance of 58 countries responsible for over 90 per cent of global energy-related CO₂ emissions, released every year by Germanwatch and Climate Action Network Europe. The third section focuses on more theoretical/normative issues, critically examining the cogency of a claim, made by no small number of environmental pessimists, that democratic institutions, due to their myopic tendencies, usually work systematically to the disadvantage of future generations. The last section is devoted to the examination of measures thus far advocated and partly put into practice for correcting the myopic tendencies of democracy, emphasizing the vital need for non-representative measures, or self-restraint mechanisms built into democracy itself, whose primary function lies in preventing democracy from degenerating due to the influence of the myopic majority, thereby protecting ecological sustainability and the well-being of future generations.     

America First? Trump,Crime, and Justice Internationally

ABSTRACT

“America First,” as presented by President Trump, argues for an international strategy that persistently places America’s interests above those of anyone or anything else. Consequently, Trump has reshaped the international perceptions of the United States and has created more difficulties for the U.S. in coordinating of global leaders in resolving complex issues in the world. This essay reflects on how Trump and the United States are viewed internationally, the impacts of Trump’s anti-immigrant and pro-White nationalist rhetoric, Trump’s responses to humanitarian crises around the globe, and the potential impact of Trump’s stance on global climate change. Given these considerations, it is questionable whether “America First” policy has made “America Great Again” in the eyes of the world.     

21世纪初国际能源格局及今后的中长期变化 ——兼论日本能源安全的出路与困境

为了应对全球气候变化，需对能源安全概念进行“范式转换”，即能源安全不仅要包括能源供需矛盾、能源供需网络的脆弱性和潜在风险，而且要与环境安全、水安全相结合，形成“广义的能源安全”概念。当前，一系列新因素正在使国际能源格局和能源范式发生重大变化：福岛核电站特大事故严重影响了全球公众对核安全的信心，今后世界各国发展核电会更加谨慎；可再生能源日益发展与普及；气候变暖正在改变能源资源与环境资源相加的自然资源“总格局”；非常规油气资源日益开发、天然气地位上升以及美洲能源供给新轴心崛起；“可燃冰革命”及海洋能源进一步开发。在福岛核事故后，日本能源安全既面临风险，又面临机遇。今后日本能源安全战略的动向主要是：坚持发展核电，但会更加谨慎稳健；积极开展能源外交，实现能源来源多元化；在一次能源结构中增大天然气的比重；大力发展可再生能源和节能；大力开发可燃冰等海洋能源资源。此外，当前日本政府错误的周边外交政策将成为日本能源安全最大的潜在风险，可望长期执政的自民党政权采取的鹰派民族主义政策，终将给日本惹祸，首当其冲的祸害对象就是日本的能源安全。