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1.
宽严相济刑事司法政策是我国在不断推进依法治国、实践科学发展、构建和谐社会的时代背景下,在法治的框架内全国汲取惩办与宽大相结合刑事政策及严打方针政策的养分,适时提出的一项具有时代特征的基本刑事政策。作为具有部分刑事司法权的国家行政机关,公安机关处于整个刑事司法流程的第一道关口,贯彻落实这一刑事司法政策,要树立正确的执法观...  相似文献   

2.
司法公开是我国的一项宪法原则,其地位之高可想而知。同时,这一宪法原则在其他法律和司法政策中得到了具体化,最高人民法院还制定了司法公开示范法院的基本标准。正义必须得到实现,而且必须要以看得见的方式得到实现,所言即为对司法公开的要求。为了实现宪法规定的原则,为了贯彻法律的规定,为了落实司法政策的要求,人民法院按照国家司法改革的整体部署,采取了一系列  相似文献   

3.
《刑事政策视野中的司法理念》一书是将刑事政策学的研究方法引入到刑事司法程序中来的重要理论成果。刑事政策视野中的司法理念是一种“有效率的正义”,强调刑事司法活动要重视对个人的教育与改善,关注犯罪治理的社会效果,而不是盲目追求形式正义。这是一种主张“通过程序治理犯罪”的新思想,它为我国现阶段的刑事司法改革研究打造了理论平台,促进了我省刑事和解等公诉改革举措的顺利开展。  相似文献   

4.
宽严相济刑事司法政策不仅是有关刑事实体处理的刑事政策,也是有关刑事诉讼程序的刑事政策。我国刑事侦查程序的很多方面都体现了宽严相济刑事司法政策,但也有与宽严相济刑事司法政策不相符合的地方。为了在刑事侦查程序中全面贯彻宽严相济刑事司法政策,应当完善强制措施中的监视居住措施,在侦查终结的处理上引入和解制度,扩大侦查机关可撤销案件的范围。  相似文献   

5.
附条件不起诉是检察机关审查起诉权的一种延伸,是检察机关行使自由裁量权的必然要求。附条件不起诉的理论基础是起诉便宜主义、恢复性司法和刑罚个别化思想。它符合国际上"轻轻重重"的刑事政策趋向,符合构建和谐社会的要求,使我国宽严相济的刑事政策得以贯彻,可以节约司法资源,提高司法效益,同时也是对我国现行不起诉制度的完善。目前,附条件不起诉存在着法律依据缺失,司法标准各异,考察机制缺失等问题,有必要构建我国的附条件不起诉制度。  相似文献   

6.
2005年以来,宽严相济逐步成为我国刑事司法政策的主旋律。此项刑事司法政策的确立,对构建和谐社会具有重要意义,对公安工作也产生了积极的影响和触动。同时,宽严相济刑事司法政策在得到检、法机关普遍贯彻落实的情况下,也成为新形势下影响公安执法工作和维护社会稳定的一个重要因素。文章以辽宁省为例在宽严相济刑事司法政策对公安执法造成的影响方面进行探讨。  相似文献   

7.
实施宽严相济的刑事司法政策是构建社会主义和谐社会的形势要求,公安机关必须坚决贯彻执行。实施宽严相济的刑事司法政策,必须了解我国刑事政策的历史沿革,正确理解宽严相济刑事司法政策的内涵及实质。公安机关要抓好和谐理念教育学习,切实转变执法观念,加强理论与实务研究,尽快制定适用"宽""严"的具体标准和实施细则。  相似文献   

8.
司法公开是我国的一项宪法原则,其地位之高可想而知。同时,这一宪法原则在其他法律和司法政策中得到了具体化,最高人民法院还制定了“司法公开示范法院”的基本标准。正义必须得到实现,而且必须要以看得见的方式得到实现,所言即为对司法公开的要求。  相似文献   

9.
刑事政策是国家依据本国的犯罪状况和犯罪原因而确定的,通过指导刑事立法、刑事司法惩罚和预防犯罪以维护社会稳定而采取的策略和措施的总称。我国现阶段的刑事政策是宽严相济的刑事政策。检察机关贯彻宽严相济刑事司法政策  相似文献   

10.
刑事政策是对一国对刑事立法和司法提出的总的指导原则。建国以来我国实行过“惩办与宽大相结合”的刑事政策和“严打”的刑事政策,目前“宽严相济”是我国刑事政策的基本内容。从“宽严相济”的刑事政策的内涵出发,有效的贯彻这一政策,对刑事犯罪当严则严,该宽则宽,宽严相济,我国首先应对刑法的一些方面进行完善。  相似文献   

11.
Kai He 《当代中国》2009,18(58):113-136
This paper occupies a middle ground in the debate between regional area specialists in foreign policy analysis and international relations theorists in international studies. Based on balance of power and balance of threat theories, a ‘dynamic balancing’ model is introduced to explain states' foreign policy strategies. Its claims are: (1) the polarity of the international system shapes whether a state's strategic choices should be balancing with external efforts or balancing with internal efforts; (2) leaders' perceptions of external threats determine when and how a state pursues different balancing strategies. The application of the dynamic balancing model to China's balancing strategies towards the United States suggests that the future of Sino–American relations depends on the strategic interactions and mutual threat perceptions between the two nations.  相似文献   

12.
国际对华反倾销现状及对策   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
近年来 ,国际对华反倾销愈演愈烈 ,呈现出如下特点 :案件数量明显增多 ;提起指控的国家多 ;被指控的出口产品范围广 ;税率较高。反倾销严重影响了我国的对外贸易 ,在分析此种现状产生的原因的基础上 ,应运用法律武器 ,从各个方面作出积极反应。如加快企业的非国有化进程、调整政府与企业的关系、涉诉企业要积极应诉、建立自我保护机制等。  相似文献   

13.
The economic rise of the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) inevitably leads to a redistribution of power in the international system. Chinese leaders today accord a considerable priority to this group, and there are elements of realism, liberalism/institutionalism and constructivism in their approach. This article intends to study China's policy towards BRICS and examine the above elements so as to better understand how the Chinese leadership perceives China's role in the international system, and how it seeks to articulate its interests and enhance its influence.  相似文献   

14.
党的十八大以来,习近平总书记在众多国际外交场合以及国内重要会议上,反复阐述人类命运共同体思想,并进行了深刻论证。它是建构在共同国际权益观、共同利益观、共同可持续发展观的价值基础之上,以马克思共同体思想为来源,以中国优秀传统文化为动力,以历代党的领导人的思想为基础,面对当前世界性发展难题提出的中国国际秩序观。此外,它的价值实现了外延,为世界走向和平、走向共同发展、实现全球治理提供了现实可能的“中国方案”。  相似文献   

15.
张保权 《桂海论丛》2007,23(4):67-69
提高全社会的创造性思维能力是当代中国在全球化时代全面加强理论创新、科技创新进而提高国际竞争力的重要任务。创造性思维的四个行之有效的培养途径是:保持反思与批判精神、正确对待思维异质性、扫除思维死角和正确对待非逻辑思维。  相似文献   

16.
国家的国际形象是国际社会公众对该国有形表象、精神内涵和国家行为及其结果的总体评价。良好的国际形象有助于国家在国际交往和竞争中占据主动,有效实现国家发展战略。随着中国综合国力的增强,其未来的国际形象已引起世人瞩目。努力塑造良好的国际形象,是营造和维护我国发展环境的重要任务。国际形象战略谋划的出发点和归宿点是国际形象的定位,爱好和平、发达文明、正义友善、诚信负责,是当代中国国际形象最根本的标志。  相似文献   

17.
Qingmin Zhang 《当代中国》2014,23(89):902-922
This article tries to integrate the theories of personality type and Chinese foreign policy studies. It finds that theories of personality offer a new perspective on the study of Chinese foreign policy and help to better explain the differences in China's foreign policy under Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping, including their international orientation, the main themes of China's foreign policy during their respective times in office, their policies towards the major powers, as well as those towards small countries. Theoretically, such integration contributes to the development of a more general theory of foreign policy analysis that would travel better beyond the borders of the American case. Empirically it highlights the necessity and benefit of an integrated approach bringing leadership personality back into the center of the analysis while taking into account other levels of analysis in the study of Chinese foreign policy.  相似文献   

18.
Jing Chen 《当代中国》2009,18(58):157-173
China's attitude towards UNPKOs has experienced two shifts since the 1980s. One is about changing from non-financial-support, non-voting, and non-participation concerning peacekeeping to financial-support, voting, and participation in 1981. The other shift concerns China's gradual change in its attitude toward non-traditional peacekeeping over the 1990s. This paper provides a norm perspective on the issue. Specifically the author argues that China's attitude toward UNPKOs changed as a result of the change in international norm from prioritizing sovereignty to prioritizing human rights, and the diffusion of the norm of human rights into China through a variety of agents such as foreign policy elites and two special groups of PLA officers.  相似文献   

19.
Hong Liu 《当代中国》2011,20(72):813-832
The past decade has seen a growing body of literature on the (re)emergence of China and its implications for the new international order, and this scholarship is accompanied by the attempts from both within and outside of China to establish Chinese schools of international relations (IR). These admirable efforts, however, have been largely state-centric and concerned mainly with the balance of power, with little attention being directed to the diaspora's role in the evolution of China's international relationship and their potential contribution to bridging China studies and international relations theorization. Drawing upon theoretical insights from both IR and diaspora studies and employing a wide range of primary data including archives and personal interviews, this essay examines the diaspora's role (or the lack of it) in China's diplomacy since 1949 and attempts to conceptualize the Chinese experience in an historical and comparative perspective. I argue that historicity and state have played a significant part in shaping the interactions between the diaspora and diplomacy. The Chinese state's resilient capacity in domesticating (potential) diplomatic problems with respect to the diaspora and transforming them into new policy initiatives through facilitating diasporic participation in China's socio-economic and political processes has opened up new venues for the Chinese overseas to be involved in China's diplomacy. This article concludes by considering three different routes in engaging the diaspora with diplomacy at a time of China rising and by calling for strategic integration of diaspora into the emerging discourses on ‘IR theories with Chinese characteristics’.  相似文献   

20.
On his first day in office,Antony Blinken,newly appointed U.S.secretary of state,could not wait to claim the return of U.S.leadership on the international stage."America's leadership is needed around the world,and we will provide it,"he said.Over the past four years,Democrats have repeatedly emphasized the word"leadership"as a counterattack against the policy of the Donald Trump administration.President Joe Biden has also said the United States is back and prepared to lead the world.  相似文献   

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