八百媳妇遗风余韵——语言民族学视角的泰国女权文化探幽

语言民族学研究提示了未载史书的泰民族女权文化的历史。泰民族对女性的崇拜源自母系社会时期人们的本能意识的升华。由于源于女性崇拜的土地制度——萨迪纳制直至19世纪才解体,虽然泰民族社会文明不断发展,泰族人至今仍然保留着女王国的遗风,原始的女权文化仍然残留在下层社会。     

东南亚华侨华人政策的变化及华人社会经济概观——东南亚华人情况2002年回顾与2003年前瞻之一

2002年东南亚各国的华侨华人政策日益缓和、宽松,华人社会总体比较稳定,继续呈良性发展态势,各国华人积极参与当地社会政治、经济和文化活动.虽然世界经济低迷对东南亚各国影响较大,但各国华人积极应对,改进经营管理模式,调整产业结构,积极加强与中国联系.     

泰国政治中的“教父”群体探析

"教父"群体是当代泰国一支重要的社会力量。泰国传统的曼荼罗及萨迪纳等级制孕育的庇护文化是这一群体兴起的历史原因,而当代泰国的政治经济变化直接促成了"教父"的崛起。这些"教父"们身份认同多变,在泰国地方省府掌握大量经济财富和政治资源,是联结地方与曼谷政治经济的中介。上世纪90年代后,教父群体一度受到打击,并与他信及其后的政权间产生了既竞争又合作的关系。他们在泰国的长期存在有一定的必然性,应客观分析评介其政治及经济影响。     

缅甸华人的政治地位及其前景

20世纪90年代以来, 缅甸华人处境的改善主要体现在经济层面, 政治层面仍囿于缅 甸军人专政和1982年公民法的限制, 不能拥有与原住民平等的政治地位。未来缅甸华人政治地位 仍然不乐观, 华人中短期内不可能通过自身努力争取平等的政治地位, 当政者也不会给予华人外来 移民群体平等的政治权益。     

世纪之交东南亚华人社会的变迁与发展

本文通过分析东南亚华人社会的变迁与发展,提供了世纪之交东南亚华人社会发展的一个侧面。作者认为,20世纪后期,是东南亚华人社会发生大变动的时期。进入21世纪,随着经济全球化和政治民主化的深入发展,东南亚各国的华人社会面临着新的挑战与机会。在不同族群文化与不同族群关系的互动下,东南亚各国的华人社会将与各主体民族一起,在当地化、多元化的方向上迈出更坚实的步伐。     

菲律宾民族文化的形成与发展及其对华人政治融合的影响

在菲律宾民族、政治文化的形成和发展过程中 ,西班牙文化的影响是最为深刻的。由于西班牙人与华人在文化上的巨大差异性 ,导致了对华人的种族歧视及其相关政策的产生。菲律宾人在接受西班牙文化的同时也不可避免地接受了对华人的敌视和排斥 ,这使得长期以来 ,华人一直难以真正融入菲律宾主流社会。本文在对这一历史现象进行研究分析的同时 ,就菲律宾独特的政治文化环境 ,对华人政治态度和政治行为的影响进行了分析和探讨 ,并提出了华人文化适应与转变的问题。     

东南亚华人少数民族的现状

由于过去二十年的冷战,东南亚华族中的大部分人在政治上保持相对的中立。当地政府的反共政策以及中国国民党政府在华侨中保持牢固的关系,也是东南亚地区一些华人采取骑墙态度的原因之一。那么,当前亚洲重建新的势力关系时,东南亚这些华人的态度将引起当地政府和中国的关心。亚洲社会科学者对于这些少数民族集团跟当地社会主要土著民族在政治社会同化中的新趋势,感到特别兴趣。     

越南华侨华人文化的中心——胡志明市华侨华人文化浅析

胡志明市是越南华侨华人最大的聚居地,也是华侨华人文化的中心。该市的华侨华人文化历史悠久,带有浓厚的中华传统文化色彩。华侨华人活跃在该市的文艺舞台上,在商业文化、企业文化中也占有很大的比重,华侨华人教育事业也比较发达,华侨华人文化还与当地的越南本土文化互相交流、互相影响。这些都是胡志明市华侨华人文化的特点,也可以说是整个越南华侨华人文化的特点。     

从华人认同看泰国华文教育的复苏与发展(1992～2012)

华文教育起源于海外华人社会,泰国的华文教育亦是如此。1992年,泰国政府放宽华文教育的限制,泰国华文教育复苏并迅速发展,目前泰国有超过80万人学习汉语。虽然泰国华人被高度同化,但是他们多元的政治、文化和族群认同反而促进了泰国华文教育的复苏和发展。     

90年代东南亚国家华文教育政策的新变动

80年代末以来，东南亚国家的华文教育政策发生了一些新的变化，这种变化是多种因素促成的，也是与前阶段相比较而言的，因此我们有必要对各国的华文教育政策作一简单的回顾。一、第二次世界大战后东南亚国家华教育政策的回顾战后初期，东南亚国家政府普遍对华文教育采取放任政策，使各国的华文教育一度得到空前的发展。然而，好景不长，随着各国先后摆脱殖民统治，实现国家的独立统一，各国在政治、经济、文化等各个领域都采取同化华人的政策，因而华人教育也遭到限制、打击甚至取缔，以致逐步走向衰亡。按各国具体政策的不同，不致可分为以…     

论早期东亚华人社团形成的主要纽带

华人社团是维系早期华人社会存在的主要支柱。20世纪以前,华人社团的纠合因素,以地缘纽带最为重要,各类社团都有强烈的地缘色彩。神缘纽带和秘密会社是催生早期华人社团的重要因素。方言群是华人纠合的最宽泛的纽带。同方言的社群,通常意味着来自共同或邻近的家乡。神缘和宗亲组织,是在同乡的基础上进一步强调血缘和神缘纽带。     

Terror mandated by god

Religion's renewed political presence on a global scale is often accompanied by violence ‐ in part because of the nature of religion and its claims for power over life in death; in part due to the nature of secular politics, which places its own legitimacy on the currency of weapons and can only be challenged successfully on a military level; and in part due to the nature of political violence. The symbolic power of violence can be a valuable commodity for religious as well as for political forces. Through violence, the proponents of a religious ideology like Aum Shinrikyo remind the populace of the godly power that makes their ideology potent, and at times religious activists create man‐made incidents of terror on God's behalf.     

20世纪80年代之前菲律宾的政治文化发展研究

本文以广义的政治文化概念为基础,阐明菲律宾在20世纪80年代之前各个时期的政治文化的形成,重点对被殖民占领之后的菲律宾政治文化的演变加以分析定论:只有正视本地政治传统和宗教、社会结构、殖民遗产等各种力量的存在并善加利用,菲律宾才有可能避免并结束独裁和冲突的政治局面,探索出一条适合本国国情的民主政治发展道路。     

The German community in 19<Superscript>th</Superscript> century Hong Kong

This article examines the development of the German community in Hong Kong between the 1840s and the outbreak of the First World War. It pays particular attention to the question of how the Germans, as a minority group in the crown colony, attempted to strike a good balance between integration and segregation, cultural assimilation and dissimilation, national identity and marginalization. Through investigating their social life, missionary activities and economic activities in Hong Kong, it shows that they, on the one hand, cooperated closely with the British who were in charge of key political and economic affairs, and on the other hand worked with the local Chinese on different social stratums. Although the unification of Germany in 1870 strengthened the sense of nationhood among German people in Hong Kong, they strove to strengthen the German cultural and economic network that already existed in and around the colony, without sacrificing their business and social interests which were interwoven with those of the British and the local Chinese. It is this strategy that enabled them to survive in Hong Kong until 1914.     

宗教与政治:当代伊朗政治现代化的困惑

自伊斯兰教什叶派成为伊朗官方宗教以来,在伊朗政治现代化进程中经历了参与、退出,再到主导的过程,从而使伊朗政治进程总是在宗教和政治两大因素间徘徊。从巴列维王朝的世俗化改革到霍梅尼神权政治理论的实践,宗教和政治两大因素在伊朗国家发展道路抉择中的竞争性,在本质上反映的是现代社会对宗教地位的定位问题。如何实现宗教与政治间的平衡,始终是伊朗政治发展面临的重大课题。     

Religious Relations across the Taiwan Strait: Patterns,Alignments, and Political Effects

This study of Buddhist, Taoist, and Christian relations across the Taiwan Strait elicits three observations: (1) officials on both sides of the Strait are permitting increased cross-Strait religious interaction, but each side has different calculations for doing so; (2) each side uses religion as “soft power” to obtain its political objectives, but these low-key approaches are limited—for different reasons; and (3) even though cross-Strait religious ties are defined by the governments and religious organizations in Taiwan and China in cultural terms, they have significant political implications.     

东南亚华人宗教问题初探--定义、历史分期与主要特征

在已有的关于东南亚华人社会文化的论著中,华人的宗教问题虽屡有提及,却总是处于从属(sub-set)的地位.事实上,"宗教是文化的中心要素"①.而且,"华人通过宗教来维持他们的特性"②.探究这一问题,对于深刻理解华人社会的特征、现状和走向,对于寻找华人文化渐入东南亚社会的最佳途径,具有重要意义.     

French immigration policy

From the late nineteenth century through 1974, France permitted immigration to furnish workers and to compensate for the low level of fertility. Intense immigration from North Africa, the economic crisis of the 1970s, and other factors led to policy changes in 1974. French immigration policy since 1974 has fluctuated between guaranteeing foreigners equal rights regardless of their religion, race, culture, or national origin, and attempting to differentiate among immigrants depending on their degree of assimilability to French culture. From 1974 to 1988, France had five different policies regarding whether to permit new immigration and what to do about illegal immigrants. In July 1984, the four major political parties unanimously supported a measure in Parliament that definitively guaranteed the stay in France of legal immigrants, whose assimilation thus assumed priority. Aid for return to the homeland was no longer to be widely offered, and immigration of unskilled workers was to be terminated except for those originating in European Community countries. Major changes of government in 1988 and 1993 affected only the modalities of applying these principles. The number of immigrants has fluctuated since 1974. Unskilled workers, the only category whose entrance was specifically controlled by the 1984 measures, have declined from 174,000 in 1970 to 25,000 in the early 1990s. The number of requests for political asylum declined from 60,000 in 1989 to 27,000 in 1993, and in 1991, 15,467 persons were granted refugee status. The number of immigrants of all types permitted to remain in France declined from 250,000 or 3000 per year in the early 1970s to around 110,000 at present. Although the decline is significant, it appears insufficient to the government in power since 1993. Although migratory flows are often explained as the product of imbalance in the labor market or in demographic growth, the French experience suggests that government policies, both in the sending and receiving countries, are a more potent determinant.     

《剑桥东南亚史》的编写特点及其谬误

《剑桥东南亚史》中译本于2003年问世后,受到了中国东南亚学界的重视。《剑桥东南亚史》有两个特点：一是众多学者参与编写;二是对东南亚历史的某些论述不同于西方学者的传统看法,例如,对东南亚史的分期、经济发展史、经济与社会变迁、宗教和政治发展等方面的分析都有一些新意。当然,该书的一些观点还存在明显的错误,特别是在越南古代史部分,这是我们阅读时需要注意的。     

Does faith limit immorality? The politics of religion and corruption

Critically considering scholarship relating religiosity to ethical behaviour, we contend that religion is systematically related to levels of corruption, and that the nature of this relationship is contingent on the presence of democratic institutions. In democracies, where political institutions are designed to inhibit corrupt conduct, the morality provided by religion is related to attenuated corruption. Conversely, in systems lacking democratic institutions, moral behaviour is not tantamount to staying away from corrupt ways. Accordingly, in non-democratic contexts, religion would not be associated with decreased corruption. Time-series cross-sectional analyses of aggregate data for 129 countries for 12 years, as well as individual level analyses of data from the World Values Surveys, strongly corroborate the predictions of our theory. The correlation of religion with reduced corruption is conditional on the extent to which political institutions are democratic.