Dispersive Containment: a comparative case study of labor politics in central China

Why is there no large-scale labor movement out of intense labor conflicts in current China? Based on a comparative case study of two groups of workers—state workers vs. temporary workers—this paper is an attempt to explore the concrete processes and mechanisms of workers' struggles—how they navigated among street protests, office petitions and court prosecutions through their interaction with state agencies. The argument is that different workers obtained different symbolic rewards instead of material concessions, based on their different social positions and historical trajectories. Unlike the classical ‘fragmentation’ argument which attributes the working class's inaction to its internal divisions, this argument focuses on the interaction between the differentiated workers and the local state agents, during which the workers lost their radical momentum and became subjected to the state's peaceful taming based on the workers' differences. This is a process called ‘dispersive containment’, i.e. dissipating the labor conflicts through divergent symbolic treatment of working-class protest without granting material rewards to them.     

加强和创新社会管理视域中民主党派作用的思考

加强和创新社会管理是中国特色的社会建设之重大课题,民主党派参与其中有其重大理论意义和现实意义。改革开放三十多年来,我国经济社会发展取得突出成就,经济社会正处在深刻转型期,转型期也是矛盾凸显期,这给社会管理和民主党派都带来较多新的挑战。民主党派如何做到既克服自身局限性,又在多党合作框架下充分发挥自身优势、积极参与社会管理及其创新,在中国特色的社会建设中有所建树?解决此问题有如下路径:民主党派参与政权,积极促进改善民生;民主党派议政、参与民主协商,加强联系社会,促进民意畅通机制,促进社会公平正义;民主党派进行民主监督,促进反腐倡廉建设;民主党派进行调查研究,利于把握社会建设规律。     

文明史·性别史·东亚史·博览会的集结展示:再审“人类馆”事件

1903年日本大阪博览会上发生的"人类馆"事件,在立体检视下呈现出全景意涵:文明史视域下的文明等级论已被清末知识界接受,成为其世界观的直接资源;文明的性别标准将"缠足女""鸦片男"具象为事关国族文明进程与国家未来图景的焦点,并转化为一项紧迫的政治任务与求生竞胜的社会意志;而在东亚社会日本发生的对中国以往历史与现实的逆转,刺激了清末中国饱满的民族主义情绪,成为民族主义情绪来源的现实基础;延续并复制了殖民主义特色的大阪博览会人类馆,成为对中国进行融人群体貌、性别地位、文明进程与国家形象等于一体的集结展示与放大的围观平台,最终催生出清末国人的集体抗议。"小事变事件"的背后,体现了性别议题与国家民族议题密切相联,折射出20世纪初殖民话语对中国性别关系和文明观念的塑造及其对中国知识分子的影响。     

我国公共政策执行的示范方式失效分析——基于示范村建设个案的研究

示范作为政府执行公共政策的一种工作方式,在我国被普遍使用,示范村则是新农村建设中地方政府公共政策执行的重要方式。本文基于西北地区某县示范村建设实际情况的个案调研,从政府利益内在性的角度,比较分析了中西方公共政策执行与公共资源分配的方式。本文认为,公众对行政官员没有形成有效的制约,部分地方官员为了产生有显示度的政绩成果,将各种政府项目相对集中地投入到少数示范村,是导致公共政策执行的示范方式失效的主要原因,并针对我国的实际情况提出了相应的对策建议。     

刑事悬赏问题探析

马加爵案件再次引起人们对刑事悬赏问题的关注,我国尚没有关于刑事悬赏的专门法律规定,理论界的探讨也多限于民事悬赏广告,我国刑事悬赏仍然体现了群众路线,在法律性质上属于单独法律行为,悬赏人只能是司法机关,而赏金的给付应区别对待。     

Cultural Challenges of Globalization

Globalization is an inescapable fact that conditions daily life in China today. To squarely confront this fact, two mythologies regarding globalization and China must be avoided. The first is the romanticization of globalization, which turns the trend into an all-purpose solution to China's problems that will introduce ‘universal’ values to the Chinese people. In fact, Chinese people should maintain a critical distance from the phenomenon and realize that so-called ‘universal’ values often turn out to be self-serving ‘Western’ values. On the other hand, there is also the mythology that globalization is not happening in China at all, but is rather a process occurring elsewhere that does not affect the daily life of the Chinese people. Various examples from contemporary fiction and film prove this observation to be wrong. Moreover, they point the way to a possible response to the challenges of globalization: a community ethic that keeps the Chinese people grounded in their local environment and dependent upon each other to face and overcome the difficulties of globalization together.     

The New Urban Underclass and its Consciousness: is it a class?

This paper investigates whether the 22 million or so urban recipients of the Minimum Livelihood Guarantee (the zuidi shenghuo baozhang), whose per capita family income falls below a locally set poverty line, can be called a ‘class’. It also explores if they experience ‘class consciousness’. It draws on theoretical writings on class and class consciousness, and on some seven dozen unstructured interviews in households of urban dibao recipients in Lanzhou, Guangzhou, Wuhan, and three smaller Hubei cities in 2007–2010, mainly using material from 2010. It finds that, unlike the former working class, while these people do not comprise a ‘class’ as such, their consciousness of their plight, stripped bare of all the illusions that clouded it in Maoist times—again as distinguished from the bygone working class—is more faithful to their actual circumstances than it is specious.     

近年来党内民主与人民民主关系的研究综述

党内民主和人民民主是社会主义民主政治的基本内容,如何处理二者的关系是近年来学者讨论的热点问题。有的学者强调要发挥党内民主对人民民主的示范和带动作用;有的则提倡发挥人民民主对党内民主的推动作用和辐射效应;还有的学者突出二者的交互作用,认为二者要协同发展,不可偏废其一。其中,在党内民主与人民民主结合点的问题上,不同的学者也提出了不同的看法。     

Fen Qings (Angry Youth) in Contemporary China

The massive worldwide protests initiated by China's angry youths (Fen Qings) over biased reports on the Tibet issue in the West in 2008 and perceived unfriendly actions toward China's Beijing Olympic Games shocked the world. Although scholars and the media have shown great interest in China's Fen Qing phenomenon, there is no serious scholarly research. Based on interviews, investigative field trips, and an exhaustive web search, this paper explores the Fen Qing phenomenon. Through an analysis of three cases, namely, the anti-CNN Web, the Han Han phenomenon, and the ‘69 Holy War’, it distinguishes three types of Fen Qings: nationalistic, China-critical, and resentment-venting. These Fen Qings vary in the people who constitute them, the causes of their anger, and their targets. The paper places the Fen Qing phenomenon in the broader context of China's socio-economic transformation and its relations with other countries.     

民族地区政府购买NGO服务研究

民族地区的公共服务存在供给不足的问题,这与社会历史因素有关。政府购买NGO公共服务在一定程度上满足了社会需求,推动了社会建设。目前总体特征是NGO在贴近民生的领域参与意愿较强,但存在能力不足问题,政府的支持力度也不大。基本的经验是政府既要发挥主导作用,还需尊重NGO的创新精神,并对其服务进行项目采购。     

自尊需求与“台湾人认同”

本文从社会认同论的视角研究“台湾人认同”,认为“台湾人认同”是为了满足台湾民众提升自尊的要求,对于凝聚社会共识、建构社会认同具有积极意义.另一方面,“台湾人”的自尊是通过与“大陆人”(或“中国人”)的社会比较而实现的,因而必然出现“内群偏好”与“外群敌意”,形成一些刻板印象与偏见,而且已经对两岸关系的和平发展造成一些障碍和不利影响,因此有必要加以深入的研究.     

行政公益诉论笔谈（上）——诉的利益理论与行政公益诉讼

《中华人民共和国行政诉讼法》的修改已经提上议事日程，行政公益诉讼何去何从，已经到了无法回避的地步。近年来。围绕行政公益诉讼问题可谓是观点纷呈。热吹捧者有之，冷思考者有之，反对者也不乏。为了使得我国行政公益诉讼制度的最终确立有一个坚实的理论基础。尚有大量的问题需要进一步的探讨。这里发表的一组笔谈是黄学贤教授主持的司法部项目《行政公益诉讼研究》（06SFB5007）的阶段性研究成果。由于是笔谈，课题组成员（黄学贤教授的两个研究生：陈峰、廖振权）观点不强求一致，其宗旨是为《行政诉讼法》的修改提供一孔之见。本刊将分上、下两部分对其予以摘登。     

行政公益诉讼笔谈（下）——行政公益诉讼的原告资格

《行政诉讼法》的修改已经提上议事日程，行政公益诉讼何去何从，已经到了无法回避的地步。近年来，围绕行政公益诉讼问题可谓是观点纷呈。热吹捧者有之，冷思考者有之，反对者也不乏。为使我国行政公益诉讼制度的最终确立有一个坚实的理论基础．尚有大量的问题需要进一步探讨。这里发表的一组笔谈是黄学贤教授主持的司法部项目《行政公益诉讼研究》（06SFB5007）的阶段性成果，本刊分上、下两部分刊登。由于是笔谈，课题组成员（黄学贤教授的几位研究生：唐小娟、杨新登、李晓玲等）观点不强求一致，其宗旨是为《行政诉讼法》的修改提供一孔之见。     

Political Process and Widespread Protests in China: the 2010 labor protest

Existing studies of collective actions in China pay most attention to frequent but localized protests, but such protests are less likely to deeply drive China's political and social prospect. By contrast, widespread protests are more likely to affect the Chinese Communist Party's authority and policies once they emerge. The goal of this article is thus to probe the conditions under which a widespread protest can happen in China today. This article proposes four necessary conditions grounded in the political process model and tests them by explaining the successful outbreak of the 2010 labor protest. Identifying these conditions helps us understand and predict the political and social development of China.     

谈我国的外交保护制度

外交保护是国际法中关于保护国籍国公民海外权益的一项重要制度、是国际法中国家所享有的一项权力。随着走出国门的我国公民数量的增多,海外我国公民遇险事件时有发生,这给我国外交工作提出了新的工作重点,如何保护我国公民的海外安全成为人们关注的热点问题。随着我国与外国交往的增多,正确认识外交保护制度并对其适用进行研究,对于保护我国公民在外国的合法权益,具有重要的意义。     

China: A responsible great power

If China can maintain the trend of its economic development, by the middle of the twenty-first century China will be among the great powers in the world. Whether China can become a responsible great power or not will depend on both internal and external factors. During recent years, China has been making big progress in integrating itself into international economic and political mechanisms. This paper argues that the more closely China integrates itself into international economic and political mechanisms, the more willing it will be to play a responsible role in the international community. It also argues that there are some conditions necessary to make China a responsible great power. In particular, China needs to be confident about the international security environment and international mechanisms; other countries should help China to participate in international mechanisms; the strategic balance in the Asia‐Pacific region should be established and maintained; and the Taiwan issue should be dealt with properly.     

读秀网视角下的马克思主义中国化基本问题研究述评

马克思主义中国化研究是新世纪以来学术界研究的热点问题,围绕马克思主义中国化研究的成果层出不穷。文章以读秀网书名中含"马克思主义中国化"的著作为研究对象,对国内外马克思主义中国化研究的基本问题进行梳理,以期推动该问题的深入研究。     

Patrolling Harmony: pre-emptive authoritarianism and the preservation of stability in W County

Today, with social protests a daily phenomenon in China, the Party-state’s survival hinges upon its institutional capacity to prevent, monitor, process information on, and overcome real and potential challenges. Over the past decade, the Communist Party has consistently stressed the critical importance of ‘stability preservation’ (weiwen) as central to ensuring the longevity of the authoritarian regime. Drawing upon intensive interviews and archival research, this article looks into the stability-preservation system in W County in North China. By exploring the institutional configuration, work mechanisms, daily activities and operational principles of the stability-preservation apparatus in the county, the author seeks to gain insight into the PRC regime’s mythical operations of ‘system maintenance’ and the ways in which the Party-state exerts control over society.     

Insecurity Dilemma and the Tibetan Uprising in 2008

In March 2008, Tibet erupted in the biggest challenge to Chinese rule since 1959. While Beijing and Dharamsala engaged in their familiar battle of representations, pundits speculated on the causes of the uprising, ranging from conspiracy theories to informed policy analysis. Applying the framework of the insecurity dilemma, this article argues that Tibetan identity insecurity on account of the post-1989 hard-line Chinese policies was the chief cause of the uprising. Largely peaceful protests and occasionally violent riots in Tibet have been integral to Tibetan efforts to mitigate their societal insecurities provoked by Chinese migration, ‘assimilationist’ policies and ‘cultural imperialism’. However, Tibetan protests and riots heighten Chinese insecurities and harden Beijing's policies both inside Tibet and towards the Dalai Lama. This paper reveals the dynamic cycle of hard-line Chinese policies provoking Tibetan uprisings; the resulting hardening in Chinese policies feeds back into Tibetan insecurities and protests. The 2008 uprising was the most recent cycle in the long-running saga of the Sino-Tibetan insecurity dilemma. The article warns that unless the Tibetans and the Chinese find a way to break out of the insecurity dilemma, Tibet could explode into another frenzy of violence and counter-violence in the near future.