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1.
反恐防暴、大型安保、超大客流等新形势、新常态使得在路内构建联动性、立体化防控体系,全面打造路内协同安保机制"升级版"成为必然要求。而当前的路内协同工作还存在认识有误区、机制不完善、运作不规范、制约有欠缺等问题。因此,必须进一步增强铁路内部单位安全防范主动参与意识,严格落实相关责任和防范措施。只有在观念、方法、配合、平台、保障等方面均"升级",才能实现路内协同机制的常态长效,满足于当前铁路治安安全的工作需要。  相似文献   

2.
徐向军 《学理论》2009,(23):166-167
本文结合工作实践,对在消防重点单位管理中火灾隐患存在的原因、表现形式进行研究、分析,并就如何进一步加强消防安全重点单位的火灾隐患整治提出了整改原则、方法和管理对策。  相似文献   

3.
依法、快速、妥善处置动车组列车因故障引发的旅客滞留事件,要不断完善预案,健全应急处置机制;要耐心宣传解释,健全现场控制机制;要密切协调配合,健全路内联动机制;要畅通各种渠道,健全信息共享机制。  相似文献   

4.
推行铁路治安风险管理,是铁路安全工作在新时期的发展、完善和提高,也符合铁路公安工作的实际.结合前期开展的风险隐患管理机制建设,就如何进一步深化认识、明确重点,卓有成效地开展风险隐患管理,健全相关工作机制,可不断推进各项工作科学发展.  相似文献   

5.
确保铁路线路治安稳定对于创建线路治安"绿色通道"具有重要意义。作为普速线路,新长铁路存在通道口子多、道口隐患突出、涉路矛盾纠纷突出和巡防机制不健全等安全隐患问题,线路治安问题时有发生。应从物防建设、巡防效能、严格履职、加强管理等方面深入推进新长铁路创建线路治安"绿色通道"工作。  相似文献   

6.
进入3月,又到了森林草原防火关键期,火灾防控形势依然复杂严峻。特别是近期多地接连发生森林火灾,暴露出森林草原防灭火工作还存在不少隐患和薄弱环节。为此,各地各级森防指及应急管理部门坚持生命至上、安全第一,履行牵头抓总职责,落实成员单位分工负责制和行业部门管理责任、经营单位主体责任,层层压实责任,紧密协作配合,全面排查整治风险隐患,坚决防范遏制森林草原重特大火灾发生。  相似文献   

7.
中国城市郊区化进程中无序蔓延的表现特征主要有:加速度、低密度蔓延;拼贴式、破碎性蔓延;蛙跳式、跃迁性蔓延;非配套、非同步性蔓延;功利化、矛盾伴生性蔓延等。其带来的潜在隐患主要包括:对我国粮食安全、社会稳定、生态安全以及城市健康运行造成的隐患。应对中国城市郊区化进程中无序蔓延的政府策略主要有:政府角色的转变;政府引导方向的转变;政府规划编制的转型;政府推进城市拓展模式的转型;政府郊区建设、管理与保护的转变等。  相似文献   

8.
32m后张法超低高度预应力混凝土曲线梁的制造位列路内各梁型生产难度之最,C65高强混凝土弹性模量高,该混凝土与钢纤维混凝土交叉浇筑,成功实现了200m远距离泵送.  相似文献   

9.
在当前云计算、大数据、"互联网+"等信息技术快速发展的背景下,大力推进基础信息化建设既迎来难得的发展机遇,也面临前所未有的严峻挑战。要牢固树立"情报信息主导警务"理念,紧紧依托铁路实名制数据,注重基础投入,加快系统建设,规范数据采集,完善研判模式,建立路内相互贯通、路地相互融合的一体化情报系统网络,不断提升铁路公安基础信息化建设水平。  相似文献   

10.
《瞭望》2010,(48)
<正> 这起特别重大火灾事故,警示我国的大型城市亟待建立综合防灾管理格局中心城区高楼林立,基础设施纵横交错,水、电、煤气、通讯等生命线工程密布,这是国内许多大城市的写实图景。但风险隐患也隐藏在超常推进的现代化的表象之下。  相似文献   

11.
Abstract

Public policy should be directed at serving the large number of borrowers who have recently taken out subprime loans and who are at serious risk of losing their homes when their mortgages reset. Practicing forbearance and providing counseling for defaulting homeowners, as well as allowing them to refinance into a Federal Housing Administration loan, can be particularly helpful. Broad changes in housing programs and in the structure of the mortgage market should be considered on their merits as good or bad public policy for the long term, not simply as solutions to the subprime problem.  相似文献   

12.
德育工作对人才培养发挥着方向性和导向性作用,是我国社会主义教育的灵魂。公安工作的特殊性决定了所需人才必须具有坚定的政治信念、良好的为人民服务的职业素养,这些都需要在公安院校经过系统的、完整的教育、教学过程来完成。公安高等院校要通过提高认识、转变观念、发挥思想政治理论课的主渠道作用、教师的言传身教、加强学生心理健康教育等几方面,贯彻"育人为本,德育为先"的理念,以铸造忠诚警魂为根本和学生全面发展为目标,促进公安高等教育健康发展。  相似文献   

13.
Abstract. Leadership practices in political parties reflect the necessity of delegation as well as the desire by the rank-and-file to control their leaders. Norwegian political parties have traditionally divided their leadership functions between two or even three offices, whose powers have varied between as well as within parties. Non-socialist parties have vested more power in their parliamentary leaders, and socialist parties more in their organizational chairs. The electoral process is in principle open, but contested elections have traditionally been rare. In recent years, however, contested elections have become more common, parliamentary leaders have lost much of their autonomy, and leadership tenure, at least in some parties, has gone down. Heightened electoral competitiveness seems to be driving many of these changes.  相似文献   

14.
It has been argued that political parties are in decline. While they used to be responsible for connecting citizens to the state by translating their preferences into policies, they have increasingly become part of the state, acting as governors instead. While this perspective emphasises parties’ representative function, it is less clear what their role is in a more direct democratic context. Parties may gain support due to such context, but they may also be seen increasingly redundant in a situation where citizens can co‐decide directly. Focusing on party membership, this study tests these rival expectations on a panel of 16 West European democracies over the period 1980–2008 and finds that parties tend to have higher levels of party membership in a direct democratic context. The usage of referendums, however, does not contribute to this effect.  相似文献   

15.
Otto H. Swank 《Public Choice》1994,81(1-2):137-150
In this paper it is argued that political parties may have incentives to adopt a partisan view on the working of the economic system. Our approach is based on a dynamical spatial voting model in which political parties are policy oriented. This model revolves around two interrelated issues x and y. The policy maker sets x directly. There exist two views on the relationship between x and y. Model uncertainty confronts policy makers with the problem of the selection of a model to base their actions on. We show that if voters have imperfect information about the working of the economic system that model selection contains a strategic element. Policy makers are inclined to adopt a view on the working of the economic system which fits in with their preferences. There is no inherent logic that places monetarists to the right of New Economists. They have different models of economic mechanism, but they need not have different political values. A conservative can be a Keynesian and a liberal a monetarist. These combinations are in fact surprisingly rare. James Tobin, 1974,The New Economics One Decade Older, p. 62.  相似文献   

16.
我国农民工问题探析   总被引:17,自引:0,他引:17  
农民工是我国城市中的一个特殊群体,他们肩负着建设城市和繁荣农村的双重任务,对我国工业化发展和城市化进程作出了重大的贡献,但是却没有得到善待。随着我国社会经济的发展,现在我们到了为农民工“正名”。真正把他们纳入工人队伍,善待他们、给他们以相应的待遇的时候了。  相似文献   

17.
Has the ‘ASEAN Way’ – a set of rules of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) centered on the principle of non-interference and consensus decision-making – really established its position as an ASEAN norm? This paper aims to analyze the discourses of each ASEAN country and empirically explain their attitudes toward the norm. Specifically, I review various documentations to examine how various ASEAN diplomats have used the term ‘ASEAN Way.’ How did they come to call the principle of non-interference and consensus decision-making ‘ASEAN Way’ in the early 1990s? Why have they begun using the term negatively, as something to be reformed, in recent years? By describing the discourses on the ‘ASEAN Way’ and their changes over the years, I show that the rationality of non-interference and consensus decision-making has changed over time and shifted the positioning of the ‘ASEAN way’ as a symbol. This presents a new and empirical interpretation of the changes in ASEAN Norms.  相似文献   

18.
Public meetings are frequently attacked as useless democratic rituals that lack deliberative qualities and fail to give citizens a voice in the policy process. Do public meetings have a role to play in fostering citizen participation in policy making? While many of the criticisms leveled against public meetings have merit, I argue that they do. In this article, I explore the functions that city council and school board meetings serve. While they may not be very good at accomplishing their primary goal of giving citizens the opportunity to directly influence decisions made by governing bodies, they can be used to achieve other ends, such as sending information to officials and setting the agenda. As a complement to deliberative political structures, public meetings have a role to play by offering a venue in which citizens can achieve their political goals, thereby enhancing governmental accountability and responsiveness.  相似文献   

19.
未来纪委建设的方向——基于党内监督机构的演变规律   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
党内监督机构受腐败形势和反腐败模式影响,权威性和独立性不断提高,运作不断规范。未来将推行新的双重领导体制以提高纪委的独立性,纪委的权威性将得到适度控制,腐败的复杂化将迫使纪委不得不提速自身的能力建设,纪委将更加注重吸纳网络民意,并与社会生态的改变形成良性互动。  相似文献   

20.
This article explores the various ways in which regionalist parties approach the issue of immigration. Drawing on several cases, it compares how regionalist parties ‘construct’ the territory and how issues of diversity and immigration inform their policy goals. It is shown that mobilisation on immigration varies across regions. Whilst parties in Scotland and Catalonia have encouraged immigration as a way of expanding national membership and bolstering the labour market, those in Bavaria and Northern Italy have viewed immigration as a threat to their culture and economy. This article identifies factors influencing party immigration policies, including party ideology, local party competition, central government policy and other state-wide influences. It also assesses the extent to which European integration has influenced parties' territorial projects, in particular whether parties have responded to pressures to adopt EU norms and common principles, such as diversity and multiculturalism, in order to be perceived as credible.  相似文献   

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