文武关系与民主转型——印度尼西亚个案研究(1998—2014)

在20世纪末的金融危机中,印尼结束了苏哈托统治的"新秩序"时代,开启了"后苏哈托"时代的民主转型。1998至2014年,先后上台的哈比比、瓦希德、梅加瓦蒂和苏西洛相继对印尼进行了民主化改革。"后苏哈托"时代的印尼民主转型面临的重大问题之一就是如何进行文武关系改革,让这一支"政治的军队"变成"制度的军队"。本文以文武关系的变革为切入点,探寻"后苏哈托"时代的印尼民主转型历程,认为文武关系的变革不仅影响民主转型,民主转型也将影响对军队的民主控制。在实现对军队的文官控制的过程中,还必须加强文官控制的民主化程度。如果文官政府能够提供有效的民主治理,民主的规则和程序能够被广泛接受,暴力活动和政治斗争的程度较低,军队将很难返     

从政治层面看印尼民主化改革艰难的原因

1998年5月苏哈托政权被推翻后印尼朝向民主政治转型.目前印尼正处在民主改革的阵痛期,民主化改革异常艰难.本文试图从政治层面来分析印尼民主化改革艰难的原因,即从总统和国会的关系、政党政治、旧势力、市民社会和腐败五个方面来对其进行论述.     

美国对印度尼西亚军政关系民主化改革的影响

美国政府行政和立法部门及非政府组织为推动印度尼西亚军政关系民主化改革都做出了努力.美国政府在双边高层交往中不断对印尼政府和军方施加外交压力,促其改革;包括国务院、国际开发署、国防部,司法部等在内的行政部门,实施了一系列项目,旨在推动印尼的军政关系制度建设,支持培育印尼民主的军政关系文化;国会以立法手段或向行政部门施压的方式约束美国对印尼的军事援助及两国军事关系,意在通过制裁和压力迫使印尼进行军政关系改革;美国的非政府组织也以各种方式参与了推动印尼军政关系改革、促进形成民主的军政关系文化的活动.这些部门和组织广泛而深刻的卷入,在很大程度上推动了印尼的军政关系民主化改革,也可以充分说明美国在对外扩展民主时投入之大、关注之广、手法之细腻.     

菲律宾与印度尼西亚民主转型原因之异同——对《第三波》转型原因观点的验证

第三波民主化浪潮已进入民主巩固阶段,对过去转型的分析有助于对现阶段民主巩固问题的理解.地处东南亚地区的菲律宾与印度尼西亚提供了可资比较的民主转型经验,以亨廷顿<第三波--20世纪后期民主化浪潮>中关于民主转型原因--威权政体政绩与合法性下降、经济发展水平提高、宗教变化、外部因素直接影响和示范效应等五个因素分析为基础,菲律宾与印度尼西亚的比较可以得出结论:威权政体政绩与合法性下降这一因素可能是第三波民主化转型的普遍原因,而经济发展水平提高、宗教变化、外部因素直接影响和示范效应等四个因素可能只是适用范围较小的民主转型原因.     

后威权时代的印尼地方分权与政治变迁

1999年印尼政府出台的地方分权法案改变了印尼国家的整体架构,确立地方自治为全国范围内实行的制度。既有的研究认为,地方分权能够激活社会资本,促进民主化进程,提升民主素质。然而在印尼,尽管分权法案出台后其政治民主化的速度和水平都得到了提升,但2004年之后出现政治转型停滞甚至部分倒退的迹象。因此,对于印尼地方分权与民主化的长期后果之间的关系,在理论上需要进一步做出解释。本文认为,分权初期民主化进程的显著提升,得益于分权制度顺应了印尼急速政治改革的时代需要,地方分权与民主化构成了互相促进的关系;在政治变革的内外压力退潮之后,包括旧派官僚、政党体制、舆论自由等诸多方面表现出民主化的停滞和旧制度的复归,这一变化过程共同指向了其背后的传统"家产主义"的权力结构。这种权力关系内嵌于威权时期的印尼政治和社会之中。拥有深厚合法性资源的传统政治力量在经历政治剧变的压制后,逐渐适应了新的民主制度游戏,重新积累起带有民主合法性的政治资源和力量,从而塑造了地方分权和民主化嫁接的印尼政治转型的新特点。     

后苏哈托时代伊斯兰教与印尼政治民主化

1997年金融危机引发印尼的政治危机,统治印尼三十余年的苏哈托政权于1998年倒台,印尼进入政治民主化的新阶段.伊斯兰教势力也成为印尼政治中的重要角色,并在印尼政治民主化中发挥了积极的作用.     

后苏哈托时代的印尼军人政治

印尼前任总统苏哈托时期(1966-1998年)所提倡的双重职能(dwifungsi)军政一体化教条随着印尼民主化进程而结束,军人参政失去了合法性来源.改革派政治领袖如前任总统瓦希德执政时期(1999-2001年)和梅加瓦蒂时期(2001-2004年)积极建立以文人统治为主的政府.军人参政在印尼民主化时代似乎不会再出现.然而,在苏哈托专政时期享有崇高政治地位的印尼军人未能完全接受民主化时代的文人统治模式.许多具有军人背景的政治人物开始以不同身份和方式试图重返政治舞台,充分利用民主化时代的机制来宣扬自己的理念和政治纲领,寻求民众对他们的支持.本文探讨印尼军人在后苏哈托时代,如何利用民主选举方式寻求合法性,以及将来可能带来的影响.     

嬗变中的“他者”形象:论后苏哈托时代印尼当地社会华族观

1998年"五月风暴"后,在反思过往民族政策的基础上,印尼新政府开始转变新秩序时代以来的华族观。本文在实地考察的基础上,结合问卷调查、访谈和笔者切身观察所得,认为在印尼政府的影响和推动下,整个印尼社会,包括中央及地方政府、军队势力和穆斯林普通民众的华族观正在发生积极的转变,华人生存空间得以扩大,同时在一定程度上亦推动了印尼民主化进程的向前发展,无形中更提高了印尼的国际民主形象。     

试论后苏哈托时代印尼华人社团与印尼多元和谐社会的构建

"构建多元和谐的印尼社会"是印尼新政府在民主化转型进程中提出的重要执政理念,其具体实践端赖于当地社会与华人社会的互动与建构.1998年后,多元和谐理念在印尼新时期国家政治生活中的实践促进了印尼华人社团的解禁与蓬勃发展,华人社团也由此得以在社会、文教、政治和经济领域主动融入当地社会,全面参与印尼多元和谐社会的构建.     

第二波改革的起跑线——印尼苏西洛总统2010年国情咨文评析

印尼总统苏西洛2010年年度国情咨文颇具新意.咨文不仅回顾和总结了过去一年印尼发展中的得失,还梳理了印尼进入民主转型时期以来的成就和问题,明确提出印尼已进入第二波改革的新阶段.咨文强调为确保第二波改革的成功,印尼应加速发展,建立起富强、民主、公正三大支柱.咨文还提出印尼要实行"全方位外交",拓展更加广阔的外交空间.     

伊斯兰教与马来西亚政治民主化

马来西亚是伊斯兰国家,其政治发展与种族关系和伊斯兰教息息相关,在政治民主化进程中,种族政治和宗教政治都发挥了重要作用.本文主要通过安瓦尔事件以及伊斯兰党的理念和实践研究伊斯兰教在马来西亚政治民主化中的作用,进而探讨伊斯兰原教旨主义与政治民主化的关系,探讨伊斯兰教能否推动伊斯兰国家的民主化进程.     

印尼瓦希德政府:挑战与机遇并存

印尼瓦希德政府的诞生标志着印尼政治进入新纪元、印尼社会开始逐步走上民主改革的道路。本文对瓦希德政府所面临的挑战和机遇作了分析 :印尼人民前进的方向是光明的、充满希望的     

试析印尼2006年新国籍法对华人社会的影响

2006年7月,印尼国会通过新国籍法并由总统批准生效.印尼新国籍法的诞生,受到印尼各阶层和华人社会的欢迎.数十年来颁布的数个旧国籍法都含有歧视华人的内容,而已出台的新国籍法规定"纯正的印度尼西亚民族的人,是在出生时已经是印度尼西亚公民,而且从未自愿接受过外国国籍的印度尼西亚人."这一规定无原住民与非原住民之分,是印尼社会的一大进步.回顾过去印尼国籍法对华人的歧视,评估新国籍法的积极意义和对华人社会的影响,并预测实施中存在的障碍,是写作本文的目的.     

印尼纺织服装业面临的挑战、对策与前景

本文首先对印尼纺织服装业面对的挑战与困难作了介绍,并对近几年印尼纺织服装业走下坡路的原因作了分析,最后就印尼政府的对策及其纺织服装业的前景进行评估与展望。     

Review essay: Recent books on Indonesia's occupation of East Timor and the East Timorese struggle for self-determination

Abstract

East Timor is the site of one of the great genocides since World War II. Out of a population of about 700,000 at the time of East Timor's brief independence, about 200,000 people have died as a result of the Indonesian invasion and the ensuing war, politically created famine, and the ongoing occupation. From the time of the Indonesian invasion on 7 December 1975 until January 1989 Jakarta kept East Timor closed. Apart from official foreign delegations, some international aid workers, and a limited number of journalists, few were able to enter the territory. On 27 December 1988 the Indonesian authorities accorded East Timor open-territory status following a one-day visit in November to the territory by Indonesian president Suharto. Jakarta was keen on encouraging foreign and “domestic” (Indonesian) investment in its “twenty-seventh province” as well as presenting an image to the outside world of normalcy in East Timor. On both accounts, Jakarta has largely failed in its objectives. The ongoing resistance by the East Timorese people to Indonesian hegemony and the concomitant political instability in East Timor as well as the relative poverty and isolation of the territory have prevented the influx of private capital. In terms of international opinion, the “opening up” of East Timor has not helped to suppress the image of the brutal nature of Indonesia's illegal occupation of the territory.     

The State-Society Interaction in the Process of Taiwan’s Democratization from 1990 to 1992

This paper examining the process of Taiwan’s democratization introduces a special mode of democratization which involves cooperative interactions between reformists in the state and oppositionists in society. Focusing on the years 1990 to 1992, a key period of Taiwan’s democratization during which key authoritarianism-supporting institutions were destroyed, the paper demonstrates that a tacit coalition of the reformists in the state and the oppositionists in society began to loom in Taiwan in July 1988 and was solidified in June 1990, and, from June 1990 to December 1992, this coalition successfully forced the conservatives in the state to accept its demand that key authoritarianism-supporting institutions had to be destroyed.     

Toward the center: Implications of integration and democratization for Taiwan’s mainland policy

Two fundamental changes have taken place in Taiwan in recent years. One is its economic integration with the Chinese mainland and the other is political democratization in the island. Whereas the economic integration has led to the development of a new structure of interests favoring current relations between Taiwan and the mainland, the political democratization process has discouraged radical voices of the political extremes. These two developments have reduced Taipei’s choices on its mainland policy. While undermining such extreme positions as reunification or independence, they have increasingly favored more moderate policy options in between.     

Soft competitive authoritarianism and negative stability in Kosovo: statebuilding from UNMIK to EULEX and beyond

ABSTRACT

After 1999, democratization, normalization and Europeanization were the key processes through which Kosovo’s final political status was expected to take shape. All three processes, however, were guided by the stability paradigm. Though Kosovo cannot be categorized as a typical authoritarian state, its political leaders have openly displayed illiberal tendencies, governing in an unaccountable manner and utilizing public assets for their private gain. In the period from 1999 to 2008, while UNMIK’s approach was based on maintaining stability instead of democratization, a soft competitive authoritarianism began to emerge incrementally. In its first decade of independence, Kosovo’s statehood remained internationally disputed, whereas its governance culture was characterized by a lack of internal accountability, which is a key component of the soft competitive authoritarianism in the country. Thus, the negative trajectory of political developments did not change even after the deployment of EULEX and the 2008 declaration of independence. This article analyses the development of authoritarian and illiberal tendencies in Kosovo and suggests that the democratization and Europeanization discourses served to conceal soft competitive authoritarian practices in Kosovo.     

印尼2010年政治、经济、外交形势回顾与展望

2010年是苏西洛总统连任后的第一年,多起反腐案件冲击印尼政坛,影响了执政效率,但是印尼政局基本保持稳定;这一年印尼大大小小的自然灾害不断,造成了极大的人员和财产损失,但是印尼经济却呈现稳步增长势头,对外关系良好发展。     

Secret Intelligence And Escape Clauses: Australia and the Indonesian Annexation of East Timor, 1963-76

In September 2000 the Australian government declassified thousands of pages of documents concerning the Indonesian invasion and annexation of East Timor in 1975. Some 68,000 pages of documents were released. About 2,600 pages of diplomatic documents were withheld, along with Cabinet papers, intelligence materials, and Defence Department records. The documents cover only the period from early 1974 to mid-1976 and do not document the Indonesian war and its human costs. What they do document is the process whereby Australia acquiesced in the Indonesian annexation of East Timor. Above all, they show that secret briefings by the Indonesians kept the Australian government closely informed of Indonesian intentions and operations at every step. In the light of these secret briefings and related documents, it is clear that Prime Minister Gough Whitlam's claim that he wanted to see a “genuine act of self-determination” by the East Timorese is and always was hollow. This was a fig leaf covering his desire to see East Timor incorporated into Indonesia as West Papua had been in the 1960s. Its patina of moral responsibility and legal respectability were his alibi or, as Richard Woolcott put it in late 1974, “escape clause,” if and when Indonesian actions led to accusations of Australian complicity with Jakarta. Mr. Whitlam was complicit. The record is clear.