嬗变中的东南亚伊斯兰教育

伊斯兰教育是东南亚国家教育体制的一个重要组成部分.长期以来,伊斯兰学校在传承伊斯兰宗教文化、维系东南亚伊斯兰社会方面发挥着重要的作用.20世纪以来,随着东南亚国家向现代化与世俗化的转变,东南亚伊斯兰教育也从传统的宗教教育逐渐向以宗教教育与世俗教育并重的教育体制转变.近年来,随着伊斯兰极端主义势力在东南亚地区的复兴,以瓦哈比派教义为中心的原教旨主义思想也逐渐蔓延渗透到东南亚的伊斯兰学校,有的伊斯兰学校甚至成为传播伊斯兰原教旨主义意识形态的基地与中心,严重威胁该地区的稳定与安全.当代东南亚伊斯兰教育的发展及其政治走向,已经引起学术界与国际社会的普遍关注.     

伊斯兰教与当代文莱政治发展

伊斯兰教是文莱的国教.二战后,文莱两任苏丹都致力于复兴伊斯兰教,从而对当代文莱政治发展产生了重要影响.文莱的立国哲学(国家意识形态)、政治制度都深受伊斯兰教的影响,文莱政府还倚重伊斯兰教来维护社会稳定.当代文莱政治发展具有浓厚的伊斯兰教色彩.     

马来西亚“伊斯兰国”与民族国家:争论、影响与趋势

伊斯兰党在20世纪80年代转型后,致力在马来西亚建立"伊斯兰国"。"伊斯兰国"与巫统主导下的民族国家建构是完全不同的建国方向,两者在最高权力的来源、统治阶层、意识形态三方面有着显著的差异。伊斯兰党现阶段重提伊斯兰刑法后,引起马来西亚两线制的重新分化与组合。由于政党之间的建国理念相异,马来西亚未来的建国方向大体上有三种:马来人主导下的民族国家、伊斯兰国和多族群国家。另外,伊拉克与大叙利亚伊斯兰国组织在中东的崛起,令身处伊斯兰世界的马来西亚民族国家体制也面临着来自外部的强烈冲击。     

近代国际社会的形成

这篇文章对于从中世纪到近代欧洲政治思想和宗教观念的演变,近代国际关系的发展与国际法的诞生,都作了宏观描述。作者是以欧洲、特别是以罗马地中海世界为中心来看待历史变化的。它把封建制和封建君主制相对立,而我们认为封建制度体现一种生产方式,无论是公侯的割据制,出现议会后的等级君主制和封建的专制君主制,都只是封建社会的上层建筑。西方目前流行的关于中世纪的时间概念是从西罗马帝国灭亡到十五世纪末,此文显然持这种观点。它关于“帝国主义”的概念也和列宁主义的概念不同。总之,此文不是用历史唯物主义来描述历史发展,但它对于欧洲历史怎样从封建割据发展到海洋帝国以及近代国际组织的思想根源,都提出了自己的看法,可供我们参考。     

俄罗斯伊斯兰恐怖主义问题

俄罗斯伊斯兰恐怖主义的产生和发展有其特殊的社会和历史文化背景,是一系列因素相互影响的结果,其中包括西亚和中亚伊斯兰教的影响,国际恐怖主义势力的推波助澜和大国在俄罗斯周边地区的竞争,俄罗斯内部特殊的社会经济问题和民族关系问题以及宗教间紧张关系等等。因此,包括俄罗斯、中国在内的国际反恐斗争将是长期和复杂的。削弱恐怖主义意识形态吸引力和消除其得以活动的社会根源有利于彻底打败国际恐怖势力。     

宗教去激进化:新加坡“宗教康复小组”的措施与启示

为应对恐怖主义和极端势力威胁,新加坡于2003年成立"宗教康复小组",该小组是从宗教角度去激进化的重要组织。"宗教康复小组"纠正被拘押者的极端宗教思想,帮助他们在释放后重回社会,也对广大穆斯林社区进行防范宗教极端主义的公共教育,鼓励穆斯林青年树立正确的宗教观念,避免极端思想对社区的渗透。成立十几年来,"宗教康复小组"结合政府、高校、社会的力量,从意识形态的角度反击极端组织对伊斯兰经典的一系列扭曲和误读,取得了一系列成果,但也存在局限性。     

东南亚恐怖主义的层累构造与演化逻辑

东南亚恐怖主义的形成有其特殊条件,是多种矛盾层累式构造的结果。东南亚各国历史上复杂的政治经济结构、族群社会结构带来的社会矛盾和族群矛盾构成了东南亚恐怖主义的基座。伊斯兰复兴运动衍生的极端伊斯兰意识形态以及基地组织在东南亚的扩散和"演进"成为东南亚恐怖主义成长的关键因素。美国发动的全球反恐战争给穆斯林带来选择困境,爱好和平的穆斯林同样需要抵制西方社会对伊斯兰教"污名化"的侵袭,反而为极端组织的成长提供了生命力。因为情势的不同,东南亚各国的反恐陷入集体行动的困境,固化了层累式构造的矛盾,影响了反恐行动与反恐合作。     

印尼伊斯兰教现代主义运动对印尼民族独立运动的影响

伊斯兰教现代主义思想产生于19世纪下半叶,起源于中东。其主要特征是宣扬资产阶级文化决定论,试图调和宗教与科学,调和宗教和理性,以复古主义为形式。其阶级基础是民族资产阶级,基本目标是改造僵化的中世纪伊斯兰教,建立适应资产阶级需要的“理性信仰”。伊斯兰教现代主义思想曾对近现代伊斯兰教的发展及穆斯林国家人民的政治生活产生深远的影响。     

尼泊尔国家政体的演变

尼泊尔长期实行君主制.从1951年开始实行君主立宪.1960年马亨德拉国王接管国家政权,实施君主制下的评议会制度.1990年在人民民主运动的推动下,比兰德拉国王恢复了君主立宪制.     

以国王为元首的民主制:当代“泰式民主”的文化建构

自1932年民党政变之后,泰国开始了民主化进程,但西方民主思想的传播和实践在泰国遭遇困境,使不少泰国人将眼光转向内部,以文化形式解构西式民主,同时建构本土化的民主,由此催生了沙立·他那叻时期的"泰式民主"思想。"泰式民主"理念并未随着沙立的去世而消失,而是被保皇主义者吸收、继承和改造,逐渐发展出"以国王为元首"的当代新"泰式民主"。它通过文化建构的手段,重新诠释传统君主制的"神王"和"法王"观念,使其在现代政治框架下与民主政体相适应,并升级成为一种国家意识形态,成为泰国各界普遍认可的理念,被写入宪法。保皇主义者借助无形的文化权力,一方面汲取传统思想,另一方面融合现代民主理念,将"以国王为元首的民主"打造为"泰式民主"核心思想,它对社会各方面的渗透力和影响力要远超制度化宪法所赋予的权力。     

浅析新秩序时期后的印尼伊斯兰教

印尼是伊斯兰教徒最多的国家 ,伊斯兰问题在印尼向来是比较敏感的。新秩序之后 ,伊斯兰问题尤为突出 :内部派别矛盾加剧 ,各政党四分五裂 ;在外则与基督教之间的冲突和骚乱此起彼伏。印尼国家及民族的统一和团结正经受严峻的考验 ,印尼的伊斯兰面临艰难的抉择。     

Fighting the Spectres of the Past: Dilemmas of Ottoman Legacy in the Balkans and the Middle East

The object of this article is to introduce a careful reading of Arab/Islamic anti-Semitism in view of the conflicting approaches to its assessment. Three aspects are covered: the origins of this anti-Semitism and its relation to the Arab–Israeli conflict; the impact of Nazism on Arab/Islamic anti-Semitism; and the place of anti-Semitism in the ideology of Islamist movements, highlighting a much neglected feature – the Arab discourse on Arab/Islamic anti-Semitism. It contends that the image of the Jew as an irredeemably destructive, conspiratorial agent, hostile not only to Arabs and Muslims but to humanity at large, is a relatively new phenomenon, gradually striking roots especially among Islamists.     

Imagine All the People? Mobilising Islamic Populism for Right-Wing Politics in Indonesia

ABSTRACT

Right-wing politics in Indonesia is frequently associated with Islamic populist ideas. In part this is because Islamic organisations played a major role in the army-led destruction of the Indonesian Communist Party in the 1960s. Since then Islamic populism has evolved greatly and in post-authoritarian Indonesia it includes manifestations that see no fundamental contradiction between Islam and neo-liberal market economies as well as those that do. Significantly, like their counterparts in other countries, Indonesian Islamic populists maintain vigilance against the purveyors of class-based politics who may exert a divisive influence on the ummah. Thus, Indonesian Islamic populism shares with many of its counterparts a disdain for Leftist challenges to private property and capital accumulation besides political liberalism’s affinity to the secular national state. Yet strands of Islamic populism have relegated the project of establishing a state based on sharia to the background and embraced the democratic process. But this has not translated necessarily into social pluralist positions on a range of issues because the reinforcement of cultural idioms associated with Islam is required for the mobilisation of public support in contests over power and resources based on an ummah-based political identity.     

Intellectuals and Political Power in Social Movements: The Parallel Paths of Fadlallah and Hizbullah

This article examines the intellectual impact of Ayatollah Muhammad Hussein Fadlallah (1935–2010) on Hizbullah's political behaviour. Many depicted Fadlallah as the ‘spiritual guide’ and ‘oracle’ of Hizbullah, while others accentuated his socio-political independence and the potential he represented as an ‘alternative’ to Hizbullah and Iran. This study argues that Fadlallah directly influenced Hizbullah's political worldviews, but the Islamic movement's socialisation in Lebanon, its dependence on Iran and its war with Israel have led it to pursue a separate path from Fadlallah. But despite the separation, the Ayatollah shared a common world vision with Hizbullah and the Islamic Republic, and would not have formed an alternative. The article is divided into two sections. The first examines the socio-political origins of Fadlallah and Hizbullah as an intellectual and a political movement, respectively, and conceptualises the discursive and political fields that motivate the behaviour of the two actors. The second section assesses the impact of Fadlallah's ideas on Hizbullah by focusing on three main themes: (1) Islamic liberation and resistance against injustice; (2) the Islamic state and Lebanon; and (3) Wilayat al-Faqih and Islamic Iran.     

Economic Governance Beyond State and Market: Islamic Capital Markets in Southeast Asia

ABSTRACT

Islamic finance has become an integral part of the financial systems of the Muslim-majority countries of Southeast Asia. At the same time, Southeast Asia has witnessed the emergence of new capital market governance practices and arrangements that are both multi-scalar and multi-sited. This article suggests that rather than only looking at the scale and rescaling of capital market governance in the region, more attention needs to be paid to the shifting balances between regulatory expertise, market practice and societal expectations. Indeed, for governance practices to be considered effective, they have to straddle at times competing demands of authority and legitimacy. This dynamic is nowhere as visible as in the case of Islamic finance, which explicitly involves Shariah experts, trained in Islamic law, in its governance structures. This article explores the novel forms of governance to which this new market has given rise. It argues that Islamic finance – rather than the product of privately held beliefs – has become increasingly bound up with the state apparatus. This facilitates the embedding of Islamic financial principles and ethical concerns throughout capital markets in the region. Yet, Islamic finance has also become increasingly submerged within national development and competitiveness agendas.     

Inclusion-moderation or political opportunity? Lessons from the case of Parti Islam Se-Malaysia (Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party,PAS)

Much of the recent literature on the inclusion-moderation thesis revolves around Islamist political parties. This paper contends that the case of Parti-Islam Se-Malaysia (Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party) is instructive in this regard. I argue that political opportunity is what decides whether a party would adopt more ‘moderate’ tendencies, not its mere inclusion in the electoral system. PAS’ raison d’etre was initially based on campaigning for an Islamic State. Subsequently, when it was in a coalition with two other secular parties, it began espousing the concept of a 'Benevolent State'. When the alliance eventually failed, PAS reverted to calls for an Islamic polity. PAS’ ideological commitment to an 'Islamic state' was dependent on political opportunities. This study argues for a more nuanced understanding of the trajectories of Islamist parties.     

Islamic Fundamentalism and the Intellectuals: The Case of Nasr Ha¯mid Abu Zayd

On June 14, 1995, Cairo's Appeals Court ruled that Nasr Hu¯ mid Abu Zayd, a Professor of Islamic and Arabic Studies at Cairo University, was an apostate from Islam, and ordered his separation from his wife. The court based its decision, later upheld by the Supreme Court, on its interpretation that the principle of hisba is applicable in matters of personal status. Hisba is based on the Qur'anic verses entrusting Muslims with the collective obligation to encourage good and discourage evil. In his books and articles, Abu Zayd, a liberal-secularist writer, extended his linguistic research to the study of Islamic texts, in particular the Qur'an and the Sunna, thereby infurating the Islamists, who charged him with blaspheming Islam, and demeaning Islamic Ulama¯, past and present. Like many liberal writers in Egypt, Abu Zayd is an advocate of freedom of thought and scientific research, and a critic of the contemporary Islamic discourse. The rejection of Abu Zayd's promotion at the University, the court decision, and his self-exile in Europe, fearing for his life, are evidence that the influence of the Islamists has extended beyond preaching into the Academy and the Judiciary, to the detriment of scientific research, freedom of thought and expression, and social and economic progress.     

伊斯兰教与马来西亚政治民主化

马来西亚是伊斯兰国家,其政治发展与种族关系和伊斯兰教息息相关,在政治民主化进程中,种族政治和宗教政治都发挥了重要作用.本文主要通过安瓦尔事件以及伊斯兰党的理念和实践研究伊斯兰教在马来西亚政治民主化中的作用,进而探讨伊斯兰原教旨主义与政治民主化的关系,探讨伊斯兰教能否推动伊斯兰国家的民主化进程.     

马来西亚伊斯兰金融系统发展研究

目前,马来西亚已建立起完整的伊斯兰金融体系,它与传统的金融系统一起被称为"双系统".马来西亚广义的伊斯兰金融系统包括伊斯兰银行市场、伊斯兰保险市场和伊斯兰资本市场,系统性和完整性是其重要特点.马来西亚持续发展伊斯兰金融体系的努力,使得其成为伊斯兰金融发展的领跑者.