科学地把握“民主集中制”的基本精神

由“民主”规定“集中”的“多数原则”性质,以杜绝个人或少数人的集权专断;由“集中”将“民主”提升为权威力量并坚定地实行之,以排除分散主义和无政府主义,这就是“民主集中制”的基本精神。要坚持党内民主集中制,不断推动这一制度的自我完善,就必须把握民主集中制的基本精神,走出在“民主”和“集中”上的认识误区。     

新型政党制度的政治功能及其治理优势——基于中国民主政治内在规定性的分析

国家权力来自人民是现代民主政治的核心理念。如何实现人民的选择,保障人民权利成为民主政治发展的重大关切。中国民主政治类属于人民民主,其价值理念与历史实践内在赋予了执政党以领导核心地位,并要求以民主集中制为组织原则,实现广泛、真实的民主。中国新型政党制度作为中国民主政治的一项基本制度安排,在利益代表、政治参与和民主监督等政治功能方面与民主政治的规定性要素相契合,并在实践过程中体现出政治平衡、政治稳定、政治整合的显著治理优势,为社会主义民主政治发展与国家治理体系和治理能力现代化建设奠定稳固基础。     

Chinese democracy: The lessons of failure

China's experiments with democracy in this century were few in number, short in duration, and limited in their democratic characteristics. Democratic institutions malfunctioned in numerous ways. Nine sets of causes for the failure of Chinese democracy can be suggested: ideology, internal and external war, military intervention, Chinese political culture, underdevelopment, a peasant mass, flaws in the design of Chinese constitutions, moral failures by democratic politicians, or the lack of transactional benefits for military‐based elites in the process of democratic transition. Each of these factors is reviewed critically with an eye to its possible lessons.     

以党内民主推进人民民主——中国政治发展的路径选择

政治民主化是中国顺应时代潮流的现实选择。以党内民主推进人民民主,走体制内民主化道路,是由中国目前政治力量的现实状况决定的;也是兼顾民主和稳定这两大政治发展目标的实际需要;还是基于中国历史传统、社会条件等因素的策略考虑。以党内民主推进人民民主,要坚持和完善党的民主集中制,并使其在国家政治生活中贯彻执行;要发展党内民主,实现党内民主制度化;要加强党内监督,建构中国特色权力制约监督体系;要改善党的领导方式和执政方式,走依法治国之路。     

党内民主建设:提升党的执政能力的内在要求

党内民主建设,是提升党的执政能力的内在要求。党的民主集中制组织原则的实质是党内民主,党内民主对党的权力运行起着规范和制约作用,党内民主在实现党的执政方式民主化过程中也起着基础地位和关键作用,党内民主是政党自身内部整合的途径和方法等,这些充分说明党内民主与党的执政能力之间有着内在的、不可或缺的联系,成为通过党内民主建设,提升党的执政能力的理论依据。     

中国民主化道路：“自上而下”与“自下而上”的统一

本文通过对我国民主法制建设的理论和实践进行认真分析后认为 ,从以宪法为中心的“自上而下”与以民主集中制为中心的选举制度的“自下而上”的统一中理解中国民主化进程 ,对建立中国的民主化制度 ,具体解决民主化过程中出现的各种问题 ,实现“依法治国”和“以德治国”的治国方略 ,具有一定的现实意义。     

毛泽东人民民主专政理论新探

毛泽东关于人民民主专政的思想是在中国革命的实践中产生的 ,其发展经历了一个迂回曲折的过程。人民民主专政的职能主要包括两个方面 ,即在人民内部实行民主和对敌人实行专政。人民民主专政与无产阶级专政既有联系又有区别。我国的人民民主专政与马克思恩格斯曾经设想的、与在苏联曾经实行的无产阶级专政相比 ,有着自己独具的特色。     

A tragedy of history: The Chinese search for democracy in the twentieth century∗

Lloyd E. Eastman suggested that, “Because of the nature of Chinese society and of its political traditions, it is perhaps one of China's tragedies during the twentieth century that, in the quest for a viable political system, attempts had been made to erect democratic institutions.” Is Eastman's statement too pessimistic? And why has the tragedy recurred? This paper tries to answer these questions by examining some major events in the Chinese search for democracy.     

改革开放以来国内毛泽东新民主主义文化思想研究述评

改革开放以来,国内学者对毛泽东的新民主主义文化思想进行了深入的研究,既取得了丰硕的理论成果也诞生了一大批很有影响的学者。对这些研究成果做一个系统梳理,可以归纳概括出学者们研究的角度,以及有待深入研究的领域。从横向的角度概括已取得成果的特点;揭示研究学者们研究毛泽东新民主主义思想所经历的阶段,以及每一个阶段的特点;已有成果研究的重点和热点问题,包括毛泽东新民主主义的形成、理论体系、特征、作用和局限性等仍具有一定学术价值。     

社会主义协商民主的基本经验初探

社会主义协商民主是发展社会主义民主政治的现实需要，总结其基本经验，则是进一步推进社会主义协商民主的内在诉求。从总体上说，人民政协是社会主义协商民主的主渠道；政权机关是社会主义协商民主的新平台；基层协商是社会主义协商民主的新形态，制度建设是社会主义协商民主的推进器。     

以创新精神加强党的民主集中制建设

坚持和健全民主集中制,发展党内民主历来是党的建设的重大问题。在建立和完善社会主义市场经济的新形势下,民主集中制在建设及贯彻执行中有什么突出的问题及产生的原因,应该采取什么对策去解决,本文做了一些较为详细的调查研究和探讨分析,并提出了一些新的对策措施。     

Democrats within the Chinese Communist Party since 1989

The focus of this article is the discourse of democracy among a group of senior retired officials and academics within the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) since 1989. The post-totalitarian regime prevents them from forming a formal faction, but does not stop them from establishing a visible network and effectively arguing for the case of democratization. They want nothing less than Western style democracy as a system involving effective competition between political parties for positions of power through regular and fair elections, in which all members of the population enjoy the freedom of expression and the freedom to form and join political groups or associations. They publish chiefly on the Internet, but also through printing media home and abroad, including some high profile journals under their control or influence in China. By taking advantage of their profound thinking, rich experience and particularly their seniority within the communist hierarchy, democrats within the CCP are making increasing impacts on democratization in China, effectively keeping the debate on China's democratic future alive in the state media and among the CCP leadership. The response of the top CCP leadership to the proposals by their democrat colleagues is not entirely negative, especially on reaching a consensus of accepting democracy and human rights as universal values. The process of the conversion of Chinese communists to liberals is well under way, and sufficient intellectual resources have been accumulated for a democratic transition or a historical breakthrough of democratization in China.     

Confucianism and western democracy

To facilitate further debate on the compatibility of Confucianism with Western democracy, this study makes three distinctions. The first distinction is between Confucianism as a doctrine and Confucianism as a state ideology; the second is between the democratic mechanism and the humanistic spirit; the last is among democratic, a‐democratic and anti‐democratic notions. This study defines Confucianism and Western democracy, shows their theoretical similarities and differences, examines the relationship between Confucianism as a state ideology and Chinese authoritarianism, and finally explores the impact of Confucianism on Chinese democratization. This study concludes that Confucianism is neither democratic nor anti‐democratic, but a‐democratic, and that, while not an unsurmountable obstacle to democratization, it offers little help to that process.     

协商治理与社会矛盾化解

协商民主是实现党的领导的重要方式,是中国社会主义民主政治的独特优势。党的十八大以来,随着社会主要矛盾的变化,实施民主协商逐步成为中国基层预防和化解社会矛盾的重要方式。党的十九届四中全会上,"民主协商"成为社会治理体系的基本组成部分。协商民主对于实现利益整合、降低决策风险、培育社会自治和增进公共理性具有显著功效。在化解基层社会矛盾方面,协商民主制度在不同的决策阶段发挥着重要的治理效能。中国共产党的群众路线的传统、各级党委政府对协商民主制度的倡导、基层社会协商民主实践的创新,构成了中国基层社会协商治理发展的动力。     

近年来党内民主与人民民主关系的研究综述

党内民主和人民民主是社会主义民主政治的基本内容,如何处理二者的关系是近年来学者讨论的热点问题。有的学者强调要发挥党内民主对人民民主的示范和带动作用;有的则提倡发挥人民民主对党内民主的推动作用和辐射效应;还有的学者突出二者的交互作用,认为二者要协同发展,不可偏废其一。其中,在党内民主与人民民主结合点的问题上,不同的学者也提出了不同的看法。     

前苏联共产党在党员意愿表达方面的教训与启示

导致前苏联共产党亡党亡国的原因很多，在党内民主建设上的失误是其中的一个重要原因。党员意愿表达是党内民主的基础。前苏共从列宁到戈尔巴乔夫，在党员意愿表达方面经历了党员意愿受到尊重、备受压制和党员意愿无边界表达三个阶段。中国共产党应借鉴前苏共的经验教训，在党员意愿表达上要始终坚持党的民主集中制不动摇，正确支持引导党员的意愿表达。     

One Formula,Two Experiences: political divergence of Hong Kong and Macao since retrocession

Since the return of Hong Kong's sovereignty to the People's Republic of China, the territory's political development has diverged from that of Macao. The poverty of leadership, state–society confrontations, deinstitutionalization and Beijing's explicit intervention have marked Hong Kong's political development from 1997 to 2004. Since April 2004, the Hong Kong governing style has converged with that of Macao in terms of its pragmatism. Although Macao's political development is characterized by leadership finesse, state–society partnership and institutionalization, its relatively weak civil society and lack of democratic reforms are by no means an attractive ‘one country, two systems’ model to Taiwan; nor does Hong Kong's ‘one country, two systems’ appeal to the Republic of China. Yet, the political corruption and chaos that punctuate Taiwan's democracy have failed to have any positive demonstration effect on Hong Kong and Macao. While the models of Hong Kong and Macao are bound to diverge from that of Taiwan, political development in the two Chinese Special Administrative Regions is gradually converging.     

协商民主制度与中国特色社会主义政治发展

健全社会主义协商民主制度，是党的十八大提出的一个重要新概念．是推进中国特色社会主义政治发展的战略谋划。协商民主的概念虽然提出于西方，但在涵义上与中国政治协商相通。提出健全社会主义协商民主制度，不仅具有中国意义，而且有着为人类政治文明提供世界经验的价值。民主是政治发展的核心问题，人民代表大会制度与多党合作和政治协商制度体现的选举民主与协商民主，构成我国社会主义民主的两种重要形式。在中国特色社会主义政治发展道路上，选举民主与协商民主都是不可或缺的重要资源．从一定意义上说，中国特色社会主义民主政治建设的更大优势在协商而不在选举。中国社会主义协商民主制度具有系统构造，其深刻性在于将协商民主从社会覆盖、工作向度、普遍要求和运作规范等方面得到提升．协商民主不再是一种单向度、窄渠道、小口径的实践形式，而成为社会政治生活和政治关系中具有全方位的制度系统和工作机制。协商民主作为一种形式载体，其政治生活的覆盖面、民意吸纳的包容性、参与范围的广泛性，需要得到有效的制度供给，需要形成规范运作的机制。     

A dangerous game: Deng and the intellectuals

This article examines one aspect of China's “second revolution” led by Deng Xiaoping: the relationship between the post‐Mao leadership and the intellectuals, who were the most persecuted during the “Cultural Revolution.” When Deng took power in 1978, one tough challenge was to mobilize China's well‐educated men and women for the nation's modernization. New policies toward them were introduced to rekindle their enthusiasm in creative and critical academic activities. The anticipation of a new period of cooperation between the authorities and the intellectuals was, however, dashed by the bloodshed in Tiananmen Square on June 4, 1989. Why did Deng, who sought the support of Chinese intellectuals for his modernization program, side with the Party's hard‐liners to order the military crackdown on pro‐democracy demonstrations? Will China's post‐Mao leadership no longer need the intellectuals’ help? This article argues that the Communist Party of China has been playing “a dangerous game of cooperation” with the intellectuals. Despite the tragic events, the game is likely to continue as long as the CCP proceeds with its modernization program and the intellectuals maintain their sense of mission. What remains uncertain is how the next round of game will be played out and who will emerge as the winner.     

关于土地革命战争时期的毛泽东党建思想研究

土地革命战争时期，毛泽东在多篇重要的讲话、报告和文章中探讨了在当时的历史背号下中国共产党的自身建设问题，其内容主要涉及到党的思想建设、组织建设和作风建设等方面。进入21世纪，中国共产党人重温毛泽东土地革命战争时期的党建思想，对做好新时期的党建工作给予诸多而有益的重要历史启示。