从“一带一路”看中日第三方市场合作的机遇与前景

在特朗普奉行"美国优先"政策、东亚地区局势变化、日本拓展海外市场的诉求增强、"一带一路"先期成果显著的情况下,2017年春季以来中日关系呈现改善势头,日本对"一带一路"倡议的态度发生变化。中日两国围绕"一带一路"对接合作的氛围升温,开始进入务实性探讨和初步合作阶段。2018年10月,安倍首相正式访华,中日双方签署了五十多项有关第三方市场合作协议,在基础设施、金融、物流、能源环保、产业升级、现代农业、电子商务等领域将逐步开展合作。今后在推进"一带一路"建设、加强中日第三方市场合作的过程中,将面临一些挑战,如美国因素干扰、中日关系不稳固、中日制度性差异、第三方市场不确定性、国际形势复杂多变等,需要中日两国共同努力,克服困难和阻力,促进中日关系良性运行,在合作中求同存异,携手共促本地区的发展和繁荣,共建人类命运共同体。     

日本对“一带一路”的认知变化及其参与的可行性

一带一路"建设的关键地区是周边,"一带一路"建设的关键领域要吸引发达国家参与。日本是中国重要邻国,且作为世界第三大经济体和第二大外汇储备国,在"一带一路"沿线经营时间长、积淀深,因此争取其参与开发"一带一路"市场的意义重大。面对"一带一路"取得的成就超过预期、孤立中国的政策收效甚微和本国经济发展的现实需求,日本对参与"一带一路"的认知发生变化,从最初的否定与质疑到模棱两可,再到考虑参与,再到寻求有限合作和试图对"一带一路"走向、规则制定等增加影响,日本政界也多次释放出参与"一带一路"建设的积极信号,中日关系亦重现改善趋势。本文分析了日本参与"一带一路"建设的必要性和可行性,认为中日具备在"一带一路"框架下合作的历史经验、现实需要、合作理念、经济基础和民意基础。未来中日关系的不确定因素依旧存在,如何转变认知以减少误解和误判,增进沟通和理解,找到两国利益的最大公约数,通过双边合作和多边合作等方式共同参与"一带一路",将对中日关系、地区和全球发展具有重要意义。     

越南对中国"一带一路"倡议的认知 ——基于对越南官方媒体报道的分析

越南作为中国的重要邻国,"一带一路"倡议的提出为两国进一步拓展合作提供了新的历史机遇。本文以越南主流官方媒体——越南通讯社和"越南每日快讯"的相关报道为切入点,梳理分析越南政府对"一带一路"倡议的认知。分析发现,历史和现实的因素及越南国内的政治博弈下,民众负面涉华情绪、中国对越南的投资比较优势不足、"一带一路威胁论"持续发酵以及美国推出"印太战略"等内外因素,都影响着中越两国的"一带一路"合作,其背后所凸显的越南从官方到民间对中国的不信任感,是未来中越推进"一带一路"合作所面临的主要挑战。     

论韩国对“一带一路”倡议的战略应对

韩国如何应对中国的"一带一路"倡议,是中韩两国深化战略合作伙伴关系所面临的重要议题。在韩国国内,虽然对"一带一路"倡议持有多元化的认知态度,但以积极、肯定者为主。为实现促进经济增长、稳定半岛局势与拓展国际空间等战略目标,韩国将主要通过加入国际机制、对接发展战略与深化经济合作等路径,参与"一带一路"建设。通过共同建设"一带一路",中韩两国将加强区域间互联互通,促进和深化与有关国家的全方位合作,构建开放、包容、均衡、普惠的新型合作框架,促进地区的和平与发展。     

“一带一路”在缅甸的进展、前景和挑战

习近平主席于2013年9月和10月出访中亚国家及东南亚国家时分别提出"丝绸之路经济带"和"21世纪海上丝绸之路"倡议,受到国际社会的高度关注。缅甸在"一带一路"倡议中的地位和角色突出。自"一带一路"倡议提出伊始,缅甸的态度和反应就非常积极,中缅两国在"一带一路"框架下"五通"领域的合作都取得了诸多进展。展望未来,两国的合作依托"中缅经济走廊"将会更加深入和广泛。同时,也要正视缅甸内部冲突产生的外溢效应,以及缅甸极端资源民族主义和极端环境民族主义等因素对中缅合作产生的不利影响。     

柬埔寨学界对“一带一路”倡议的认知述评

"一带一路"倡议提出以来,柬埔寨学界围绕这一倡议进行了较为深入的研究。柬埔寨学界认为,"一带一路"倡议的提出具有历史和现实、国际和国内的多重背景。"一带一路"倡议将给柬埔寨带来经济、安全、政治等方面的机遇,但在实施过程中也存在经济、安全、外交、社会及环境等风险和挑战。柬埔寨应该据此推动中柬两国战略对接、努力推动柬埔寨交通基础设施的发展、专注于解决国内问题、寻求外交政策的多元化;中国则应坚持东盟的中心地位、重视对柬埔寨公共外交,以实际行动增强世界各国对"一带一路"倡议的信心。     

“一带一路”倡议下的海外投资法律风险对策

随着我国"一带一路"和"走出去"倡议的提出,海外投资法律风险已经成为海外投资企业不得不面对的问题。"一带一路"沿线由于国家政治、经济和文化等背景的不同,所引发的法律风险类型主要有法律政策变动风险、政治因素法律风险、环境保护法律风险、知识产权保护法律风险和劳工权益保障法律风险;面对这些法律风险我国企业也并非束手无策,本文从如何转变海外投资立法指导思想、健全企业法律风险管理制度、完善我国海外投资保险制度三方面入手,对海外投资法律风险进行化解,为我国"一带一路"倡议的顺利实施保驾护航。     

菲律宾社会对中国“一带一路”倡议的反应

中国与菲律宾之间由于南海的领土争端,在双边关系上呈现紧张和对抗的局面。中菲关系紧张的时期,正是中国政府大力推行"一带一路"倡议的阶段,菲律宾社会对于"一带一路"倡议的关注与反应,就成为一个独特的观察视角。本文在简要回顾2010-2016年中菲政治关系的基础上,通过对比中菲两国媒体在"一带一路"和领土争端上报道立场的异同,呈现菲律宾社会对"一带一路"倡议的直接反应;通过分析中菲两国在贸易畅通和民心相通等"一带一路"具体领域的合作情况,呈现菲律宾社会在开展具体合作方面的态度。笔者认为,菲律宾社会对于"一带一路"的总体了解相对较少,但是对于倡议的具体态度,如亚投行,关注度较高;虽然中菲的政治关系比较紧张,但是在具体的合作领域,双方都以实际行动积极参与。     

中国与乌克兰“一带一路”合作的风险与应对

作为联通欧亚大陆的重要国家,乌克兰对"一带一路"倡议有浓厚的兴趣,希望在该倡议框架下与中国进行基础设施、投资、贸易和人文领域的全面合作。但就地缘政治环境而言,乌克兰在短时间内很难摆脱俄罗斯的压力,顿巴斯冲突和族群矛盾使得实施"一带一路"建设困难重重。因此,尽管中乌合作拥有较好的历史基础,但面临的诸多挑战也不容忽视,尤其是东欧地区的安全困境、合作规模及方向、乌克兰的政治状况、"弱+弱"合作模式的瓶颈等,均对双方在"一带一路"框架下的合作构成负面影响,如何克服这些挑战是未来推进双方合作面临的重要课题。     

共建“一带一路”开启中拉合作新愿景

拉美和加勒比地区从历史渊源、现实条件和远景规划上同"一带一路"倡议都有着密不可分的联系。中拉合作坚持平等互利、合作共赢,在理念上与"共商、共建、共享"的丝路精神一脉相承,同"一带一路"倡议同频共振。拉美国家热烈响应"一带一路"倡议,中拉利用高层交往、整体合作及"一带一路"国际合作高峰论坛等平台,凝聚合作共识、描绘合作蓝图,推动"一带一路"倡议全面延伸至拉美。中拉共建"一带一路"符合彼此需求和利益,不排斥或针对任何国家,中国没有任何地缘政治考虑,不搞所谓战略博弈。中拉共建"一带一路"在短短一年多时间里取得积极成效,共建"一带一路"给拉美国家带来了发展机遇和现实利益,得到了国际社会和拉美加勒比国家的广泛认同和赞赏。当前,中拉共建"一带一路"进入高质量发展新阶段,以高峰论坛为引领、各领域多双边合作为支撑的"一带一路"国际合作架构基本成型。中方将同拉美国家进一步加强发展战略对接,明确合作重点,着力加强全方位互联互通。     

Inter-Korean relations and the roles of the US and of the EU

The North Korean nuclear standoff has escalated since North Korea let slip that it was developing nuclear weapons while James Kelly, U.S. Assistant Secretary of East Asian and Pacific Affairs, was visiting Pyongyang in October 2002. The Bush administration has acknowledged that the United States will not discount a preemptive military strike on the suspected nuclear development facilities, and North Korea has stood firm against any pressure to halt its nuclear development from the international community. Dialogue and meetings for international cooperation among the major countries concerned, including Korea, the U.S., Japan and China, have been activated to resolve the nuclear crisis in the Korean Peninsula, especially after the U.S. pronounced an end to its war against Iraq in early May of this year. In the middle of the rapidly changing situation on the Korean peninsula, the inter-Korean reconciliation and cooperation initiated by the Sunshine Policy of the Kim Dae Jung administration and followed by the Roh Moo-hyun administrations Policy of Peace and Prosperity are not separable from the nuclear situation. This paper follows recent developments of inter-Korean relations, illustrates South Koreas stance on the issue and suggests the EUs role on the nuclear issue. This is a revised version of the paper presented at the Asia-EU Journalists Seminar organized by the Asia Europe Foundation and the Korea Press Foundation (KPF), held in Brussels, Belgium, May 22 2003. Financial support from the KPF is gratefully acknowledged.     

海陆复合型地缘政治大国的战略选择与崛起成败

国际体系是一个复杂的利益交互系统,在系统中存在着众多战略层面的施动—反馈模式。地缘政治大国的安全战略选择决定了它与体系其他主要成员间的互动方式,互动方式决定了其可能面临的结构性压力,并最终影响到大国崛起的兴衰成败。通过本项研究可以发现:海陆复合型崛起大国的战略模式可以分为"区域陆权"战略、"全球海权"战略和"区域/全球海陆并举"战略。如果崛起大国尚未形成稳固的陆基周边环境,那么追求"区域陆权"战略是最优选择;如果拥有稳固陆基周边环境,那么追求"全球海权"战略是最优选择。而"海陆并举"战略因"同色竞争"原理,既可能同周边国家陷入"区域陆权"优势的安全困境,也可能同"全球海权"国家陷入争霸战争。因此,"海陆并举"战略往往容易造就一个反对自身崛起的海陆权力联姻。此外,追求单一的"差色互补"原理容易实现海陆功能分异背景下的战略结盟,进而影响大国崛起战略的操作实施。     

The EU and Libya and the Art of the Possible

In spite of geographic proximity and a number of shared interests, the European Union and Libya have a history of strained relations. The war of 2011 provided an opportunity for a fresh start, but so far neither side has been able to reap benefits from an entirely new political situation. Instead, Libya’s difficult internal situation has not only slowed down the process of rapprochement, but also increased EU concern. At a time when cooperation becomes a necessity rather than a choice, Libya is now down-spiralling into implosion at the levels of security, bureaucracy and economy, to the point where it cannot absorb the offers being made.     

从斯大林功过看苏联兴亡——评《苏联兴亡史论》

一　对斯大林功过的评价要与时俱进要考察苏联兴亡的历史进程、总结苏联兴亡的历史经验 ,首先就要探究从列宁到戈尔巴乔夫苏联历届党政首脑的理论、路线、体制和实践的演变问题 ,尤其是涉及对斯大林功过的评价问题。因为斯大林执政时间最长 ,而且苏联的社会主义制度主要是在斯大林执政的 3 0年间( 1 92 3～ 1 95 3年 )建成并且得到巩固的 ,随后 3 0多年苏联斯大林模式没有发生什么大变化。如果我们肯定斯大林是“功大于过”,那么就要肯定苏联的社会主义模式基本上是成功的、优秀的 ,尽管难免还有一些弊端 ,那只要经过小修小补就能更加显示优…     

Campaign Advertising and the Stimulation and Activation of the Authoritarian Personality

This research examines whether authoritarianism can be stimulated and activated by politicians. The traditional belief is that psychological traits are basically quasipermanent structures that consistently determine behavior, but newer research suggests that these traits can be stimulated. This research tests whether campaigns can stimulate traits with targeted messages. I do so by exposing subjects in an experiment to political television advertising that was designed to stimulate known correlates of authoritarianism, such as fear. The results show that authoritarianism is stimulated in treatment groups that watched advertising designed to invoke threat and the strong-father metaphor and the treatment effect is greater on conservatives. I also show that watching these commercials leads to an activation of authoritarianism that influences its predictive power over support for torture. This suggests that politicians can use emotional appeals to stimulate advantageous personality traits, and that these ads also influence the public's attitudes through activation.     

美洲国家首脑会议与美洲自由贸易区的前景

自1994年至今共举行了4届美洲国家首脑会议,每届会议均与美国所倡议的美洲自由贸易区有密切关系。2005年11月在阿根廷举行的第四届首脑会议上,美洲国家围绕着是否重启美洲自由贸易区谈判问题产生分歧。一些拉美国家对在香港举行的WTO第六次部长级会议的成果不甚满意。美洲自由贸易区的前景不容乐观。     

China and the WTO: the theory and practice of compliance

Since China joined the World Trade Organization (WTO) in December2001, attention has turned to the issue of whether or not Chinais a responsible member of the organization and how compliantChina is with WTO rules. This article discusses the difficultiesfaced by China, as a responsible rising power, in trying toadjust itself to global trading norms. It examines the theoryof compliance in international relations from the perspectivesof neo-realism, liberal institutionalism and social constructivism,and then tests these perspectives by examining the mechanismsused to gauge China's compliance, both bilaterally by the UnitedStates and multilaterally through the Dispute Settlement Mechanismand the Transition Review Mechanism of the WTO. The result ismixed: different opinions exist as to how compliant China hasbeen but, on the whole, most monitors agree that China has triedhard to comply with WTO requirements in various areas, thoughmuch remains to be done. The most severe tests will come inthe next few years when China's financial and service sectorswill have to face fundamental changes to the way they operate.     

Globalization and the Reform of the International Financial and Monetary Systems

The outbreak of the global financial cdsis has called into question U.S.-style ＂financial capitalism.＂ Protectionism, currency multilateralism, decentralization of financial decision-making power and the nationalism of resources are gaining ground. The emerging economies are on the rise. The world power order is becoming multi-polar. Relations between countries are growing more diverse. The global governance model is undergoing fundamental changes. Global governance mechanisms, which are more representative and reflective of the diverse interests （such as the G20 and the UN climate change conference）, along with a reform of the international monetary system, will also help shape the future world order.     

离岸市场的发展与人民币国际化的推进

人民币国际化自2009年正式启动以来,在跨境贸易结算等领域取得了很大进展,人民币离岸市场的建设也取得了一定成绩,但目前来看并没有充分发挥预期中的功能,这也引发了各界对人民币国际化模式的进一步讨论。原则上,由于我国资本项目尚未完全开放,离岸市场有助于克服人民币自由流动受限这一障碍。历史经验也表明,在一定条件下离岸市场能够有效地推进货币国际化。人民币国际化应当遵循贸易结算、离岸市场、资本输出、跨国企业四者并举的"中国模式",其中未来的离岸市场发展需要相应的条件和配套准备才能真正为人民币国际化提供引擎。     

Uneven and combined confusion: on the geopolitical origins of capitalism and the rise of the west

This article offers a critique of Alexander Anievas and Kerem Ni?ancio?lu’s How the West came to rule: the geopolitical origins of capitalism. We argue that while all historiography features a number of silences, shortcomings or omissions, the omissions in How the West came to rule lead to a mistaken view of the emergence of capitalism. There are two main issues to be confronted. First, we argue that Anievas and Ni?ancio?lu have an inadequate and misleading understanding of “capital” and “capitalism” that tilts them towards a theoretical stance that comes very close to arguing that everything caused capitalism while at the same time having no clear and convincing definition of “capital” or “capitalism”. Second, there are at least three omissions—particular to England/Britain within a geopolitical context—that should be discussed in any attempt to explain the development of capitalism: the financial revolution and the Bank of England; the transition to coal energy; and the capitalization of state power as it relates to war, colonialism and slavery. We conclude by calling for a connected-histories approach within the framework of capital as power.