借鉴保释制度谈我国取保候审制度的改革

保释是被羁押的犯罪嫌疑人、被告人享有的一项诉讼权利,取保候审则是国家权力的体现,二者之间有本质差异。为解决取保候审制度在立法中存在的问题,我国应合理借鉴国外的保释制度,以进一步完善取保候审制度。     

我国审前羁押期间制度之思考

我国刑事诉讼法对审前羁押的期间有较为明确的规定,但司法实践中经常出现办案机关利用法律规定的不完善之处变相延长审前羁押期限的现象,极大地侵害犯罪嫌疑人的基本人权。比较国外审前羁押期间的有关制度,我国立法规定和实践操作既有可取之处,也有不足的地方,应从立法和监督救济两个方面完善审前羁押期间制度,以改善审前超期羁押的状况,贯彻及时审判原则,保障犯罪嫌疑人的诉讼权利。     

国际刑事司法准则背景下中国保释制度之构建

自由权是一项基本人权。保障人权是国际刑事司法准则的最高价值目标．其中规定的对审前羁押的限制措施即为了使该项权利能得实现的保障之一。致力于该目标的实现，各国在其刑事诉讼中妁作出了与之相符的合理设置。针对目前我国存在于刑事司法领域的超期羁押及刑讯逼供等顽症、设计出合理可行的羁押替代性措施。将是解决这一问题的关键。保释制度，作为一项完备的制度对于限制审前羁押有着极大的吸引力和优越性．认真研究好这一项制度并因地制宜地借鉴适用，将有助于我国在国际刑事司法准则的背景下解决好以上难题。     

我国取保候审制度探析

取保候审制度以其对未决羁押的替代性、较弱的强制性、对人权的保障性,及适用上的广泛性,在刑事诉讼中发挥着举足轻重的作用。然而实践中,我国的取保候审制度在期限、审查、对当事人的救济以及人权保障上还存在不足,需要加以完善。     

我国取保候审制度与英国保释制度之比较

我国取保候审制度与英国保释制度作为具有典型代表性的中西方刑事诉讼形态,对于保障诉讼活动的顺利进行都各自发挥着重要的作用。本文通过二者比较,借鉴英国保释制度的合理因素,对完善我国取保候审制度有积极的作用。     

审前羁押与刑事强制措施的重构

审前羁押,是刑事强制措施体系中最严厉、最常用的一种强制方法。审前羁押的设计是否科学,适用是否公正,不仅直接影响着整个强制措施体系的贯彻落实,而且关系到每个被追诉者,甚至每个公民人身自由权的保障。因此,要构建一套科学、合理,又符合我国国情的强制措施体系,就必须对审前羁押在我国强制措施中的定位和适用有一个正确的认识,以使羁押能够立法到位, 司法可行。     

审前羁押替代措施解读

审前羁押替代措施的适用,利于消除审前羁押所带来的负面影响,维护被追诉人的合法权利。文中分析了该项制度的价值,比较了各国立法对此问题的具体规定,同时提出在我国构建该项制度的具体设想,冀益于完善我国的审前羁押制度。     

借鉴保释制度完善取保候审的若干思考--从英美国家保释制度变迁的视角

我国现行的取保候审制度无论在理念上还是制度设计本身在刑事司法实践中都暴露出了一些不尽如人意之处.在这种情况下,英美国家普遍存在的保释制度开始引起理论界普遍关注.然而英美的保释制度在其价值、源流和本体上有其特殊的背景,在制度变迁的过程中也暴露出了一些问题.通过比较与思考,我们既要看到保释制度具有的合理性,又要审视其中存在的问题,结合我国刑事诉讼本土特征寻找出完善现行取保候审制度的可行方案.     

中日刑事羁押制度比较研究

羁押是限制犯罪嫌疑人和被告人人身自由,保证侦查和审判顺利进行的重要手段,同时羁押也是最严厉的一种强制措施.保障人身自由权是保障一切人权的基础,应当借鉴日本羁押法律制度的成功经验,完善我国的羁押法律制度:设立羁押司法审查制度,充分保障犯罪嫌疑人和被告人辩护权,缩短羁押的期限,建立我国犯罪嫌疑人被逮捕的救济制度.     

审前羁押定期复查制度：透析与前瞻

审前羁押定期复查制度利于遏制超期羁押,维护被追诉人的合法权益。鉴于实务当中超期羁押现象严重,广采他国之玉,构筑我国的审前羁押定期复查制度更具现实意义。笔者于文中分析了该项制度的价值基础,比较了各国于此问题的立法规定,同时,提出在我国建立该项制度的具体设想,冀益于完善我国的审前羁押制度。     

取保候审制度的实施情况及对策研究

取保候审制度是我国刑事诉讼法规定的五种刑事强制措施之一,在我国刑事强制措施体系中有着不可替代的位置,但司法实践中却存在一些问题。本文通过对取保候审实施情况的分析,针对其存在的问题,试图找出完善取保候审制度的路径。     

Hong Kong in United States‐China relations: The international politics of Hong Kong's reversion to Chinese sovereignty

This article examines the implications of the political transition of Hong Kong on US‐China relations in strategic, political and economic dimensions. It evaluates the impact of Hong Kong's changing status in the context of the engagement‐containment debate on China policy in the US. It suggests that US concerns over questions such as democracy and human rights and China's rejection of foreign interference’ in Hong Kong would turn the territory into a source of political conflict between the US and China. Finally it points out that any major trade confrontation between the two countries would have serious implications for the territory. The article concludes by arguing that if Hong Kong could continue to be a prosperous and free society with a global outlook, it would facilitate China's integration with the global community, but if a reversion to authoritarian rule occurred in Hong Kong, US‐China relations will be aversely affected.     

论外地人取保候审的困境和出路

目前，在取保候审的司法实践中，司法机关对于本地人取保的偏好和对外地人取保的歧视．实质上造成了刑事司法的不公。在宽严相济的刑事政策下，扩大外地人取保候审，对于人权保障以及和谐社会的构建具有深远的意义。     

境外污点证人作证豁免制度研究及对我国的启示

境外污点证人作证豁免制度经过一个多世纪的发展,已经形成一整套体系完整的法律制度,其独特的豁免方式在打击贪腐犯罪和保障人权中起到了非常重要的作用。我国在引入和移植该制度时,有必要通过分析比较境外污点证人作证豁免制度的相关立法和实践经验,构建符合我国国情的污点证人作证豁免制度。     

Hong Kong's ‘One Country,Two Systems’ Experience under the Basic Law: two perspectives from Chinese legal scholars

Hong Kong is an administrative and economic entity under Chinese sovereignty. Essentially, the local political system that Hong Kong has adopted is that of a non-sovereign state as well as a non-political entity. It is neither entirely occidental nor completely oriental, but an executive-led system which has developed according to Hong Kong's characteristics and has proved to be an effective one. 1997 was not the end of the ‘One Country, Two Systems’ policy, but its beginning. To guarantee the policy's success is in the overall interest of both Hong Kong and China. As such, China has no greater interests in Hong Kong than to maintain its stability and prosperity. The Chinese Central Authorities will continue to abide by the ‘One Country, Two Systems’ policy and the Basic Law whenever problems regarding Hong Kong arise.     

关于《全国人民代表大会关于完善香港特别行政区选举制度的决定(草案)》的说明--在第十三届全国人民代表大会第四次会议上

各位代表:我受全国人大常委会的委托,作关于《全国人民代表大会关于完善香港特别行政区选举制度的决定(草案)》的说明。一、完善香港特别行政区选举制度的必要性和重要性香港回归祖国后重新纳入国家治理体系,《中华人民共和国宪法》和《中华人民共和国香港特别行政区基本法》共同构成香港特别行政区的宪制基础。     

The Hong Kong Policy of the People's Republic of China, 1949-1997

China's policy toward Hong Kong in the period 1949-1997 was primarily driven by utilitarian calculations of national interests and the interests of the Chinese Communist Party. The Hong Kong policy of China, as an integral part of its foreign policy, was distinctive in that ideological fervor and nationalist passions had limited influence. The goals to be achieved by the Hong Kong policy remained unchanged throughout the period; the strategies adopted, however, changed in accordance with the changing international situation and the national interests as defined by the Chinese leaders. The primary goals of the Hong Kong policy were to secure a less threatening external political environment for China and to make calculated use of Hong Kong for China's economic development. By tolerating Hong Kong as a British colony, China also depended on Britain to control the potentially threatening anti-Communist Chinese population there. The 'over-dependence' on the British to control the Chinese people in Hong Kong on the eve of Hong Kong's reversion to China, however, alienated the Hong Kong people as well as impeded the formation of local political leaders in the territory. As a result, the acquisition of Hong Kong by China in 1997 has not been accompanied by political rapport between the Chinese government and the Hong Kong people, thus sowing seeds for lingering friction between them.     

The Role of a Political Interest Group in Democratization of China and Hong Kong: the Hong Kong Alliance in Support of Patriotic Democratic Movements of China

The Hong Kong Alliance in Support of Patriotic Democratic Movements of China (HKASPDM) is a cross-border political interest group advocating for democratization in both mainland China and Hong Kong. It was involved in the bold rescue of mainland democrats out of the PRC shortly after the June 1989 Tiananmen crackdown; it constantly exerts pressure on the PRC government to release its political prisoners; it has been influencing the Hong Kong government on the scope and pace of democratization; it communicates with and subsidizes overseas Chinese groups supportive of democratic reforms in China; it is persistently educating the younger generations of Hong Kong and most importantly mainland visitors to Hong Kong on the 1989 Tiananmen tragedy; and its supporters have attempted to cross the border of Hong Kong to Macao to influence the policy of the Chinese government toward political prisoners. As a political interest group based in Hong Kong with cross-border influences on both the mainland and Macao, the Alliance has been making full use of the available political space and freedom of assembly in Hong Kong to achieve their ultimate objective of having a ‘democratic China’. Its existence in the HKSAR is an indication of a certain degree of political tolerance by both the Hong Kong government and Beijing, which have to be very careful of the need to maintain an image of the feasible formula of ‘one country, two systems’ in Hong Kong.