印尼政党体制制度化与民主发展

有关政党体制与民主发展关系的研究,经历了从类型学到制度化的视角转移。对处于民主转型和巩固过程中的国家而言,政党体制的制度化程度至关重要。本文在既有研究的基础上,归纳出政党与国家关系、政党的社会基础、政党间竞争模式、政党的组织水平四项政党体制制度化的衡量标准。按照上述标准,当前印尼政党体制的制度化仍处于较低水平,低制度化的政党体制在合法性与有效性两个方面阻碍了印尼民主政治的持续发展。     

泰国政党政治重返“泰式民主”的路径、动因与前景

泰国政党政治发展以2006年政变为分水岭,经历了"过山车"式的调整,从"西式民主"折返到"泰式民主"。2014年政变后的党禁,更是严重阻碍了政党政治的有序发展。究其原因,关键在于,在泰国政党政治的发展过程中,保守阵营面临政治资源转化瓶颈,难以在以政党博弈为主的政治架构下获得与其政治资源相称的"权力—利益"地位,从而产生政治权力结构的持续张力,引发保守与变革冲突。短期来看,保守阵营依托2017年宪法复辟以非政党博弈为主的政治架构,试图在"还政于民"后延续权力主导地位;但中长期来看,随着保守阵营衰落,泰国政党政治将在新兴力量推动下再次转向"西式民主"的政治架构。     

试论东南亚庇护主义的形成与发展——以威权体制下的资本政治为视域

庇护主义在东南亚由来已久,传统的庇护主义渗入到威权体制的资本政治形态中,资本政治形态则赋予了庇护主义以新的内涵与发展.一方面这是由威权体制本身的性质所决定的,另一方面则是基于资本政治的建设.不同威权体制下资本政治的庇护主义模式存在差异性,如泰国是一种兼具合作与掠夺的混合型模式,而菲律宾则是私利取向的掠夺型模式.威权体制与资本政治形态的变迁动摇了庇护主义的存在基础,庇护主义的发展直接影响到威权体制的民主转型.     

关于东亚"民主的危机"的思考

本文对"东亚正在发生着民主的危机"这一观点进行了剖析.本文首先指出,广义上的民主包含着政治体制和治理方式两个方面,它们之间既是相互联系又是有所区别的.东亚的危机尽管也有政治体制上的问题,但主要的还是治理方式不能适应民主的体制.其次,本文对世界各国的民主化进程进行了广泛的比较,确定了东亚现阶段民主进程的历史定位,指出东亚当前的多元民主政治是民主政治发展的必然结果,但它还处于民主政治发展阶段的较低的层次上.     

俄罗斯的府会关系及对政治稳定之影响——叶利钦与普京时期之探讨

府会关系、政党政治对政治稳定的影响,是民主政治的判别标准之一。苏联瓦解,俄罗斯联邦取而代之,并随之采取激进的政策进行民主化与市场化改革,以期向民主政治与市场经济制度全面转型。转型期间,府会关系产生严重的冲突与对立,冲击到政府的威信与国家的存续,以叶利钦时期为最。继之,普京执政,扭转了情势与府会关系,将国家社会带向新高峰。如此的转变,关键因素在于普京调整了国内政策,特别是颁布了"政党法"来整合政治势力,使国内出现了政党政治的雏型,对政治稳定产生了极大的作用。可见,府会关系对政治稳定有绝对的影响,其中以对国家政策方向和政党政治的影响为最,这从叶利钦与普京两个时期的府会关系及其对政治稳定的影响可具体看出。简言之,俄罗斯的府会关系明显影响政治稳定,议会中的政党政治又扮演着决定性的角色。     

韩国政党与政党体系变迁动因初探

韩国政党体系的变迁具有鲜明的特点.自1948年制宪始,韩国政党政治的形态就呈现出宗派政治、帮派政治的特征,诸多政党在韩国政治舞台上不断出现和湮灭,韩国的政党政治未能发展到制度化的阶段.目前,韩国虽然实现了从威权统治向民主政治的转型,但由于长期受到传统思想、政治文化和南北分裂态势的影响,政党的变动依然十分频繁.本文旨在从环境因素、政治文化因素和制度因素的角度探析韩国政党与政党体系变迁的原因.     

美国政治营销的兴起

政治营销学是20世纪90年代在美国大规模兴起的一个跨学科研究领域,旨在从商业营销的角度对政治行为进行分析和指导.由于民主政治渐趋成为金钱政治,美国政治成为专家和精英人物垄断的事务,降低了选民的参与热情.政治营销的兴起,标志着美国竞选模式从政党政治模式向候选人中心模式转变,它对美国式民主产生了深刻影响.然而,从民主发展的世界范围来看,问题的关键并不是杜绝政治营销,而是如何把民众重新置于民主过程的中心.     

韩国现代化过程中的社会流动

现代化是一个永恒的话题 ,作为一个进程 ,它不是一个国家的一种主观选择 ,而是世界性的必由之路。后发国家的现代化更是一个复杂多变的过程。韩国在短短几十年内走过了一条不平凡的经济与政治发展道路 ,不仅实现了经济的高速增长和社会结构的全面转型 ,而且比较顺利地推动了政治转型 ,建立了民主政治的基本框架结构 ,保证了民主体制的正常运行。在现代化的发展过程中 ,社会流动发挥了很大的作用 ,其与政治经济的互动关系促进了社会的全面变革。社会流动是指社会成员的社会位置的变动 ,它既表现为社会成员的社会地位的变更 ,又表现为社会角色…     

战后德国政治体制转型因素分析

本文尝试从内在和外在两方面的因素出发,分析德国在二战后如何成功地实现政治体制转型:即讨论超越法律规范和组织结构的政治文化观念的转变如何通过规范人们的政治行为,推动新政治模式的有效运作;战后德国建立的社会市场经济体制如何通过其竞争和经济民主与公正原则影响人们的行为和观念,促进民主政治体制的稳固;融入欧洲一体化如何为德国实现政治转型提供坚实的价值背景和程序性环境,从而探讨政治文化、经济发展模式和国家的外部环境在政治体制转型中发挥的作用。     

东亚政治转型的路径分析

20世纪80年代至今,东亚一些国家和地区发生了从集权政治向民主政治、从权威主义政体向多元政体的转型.尽管转型的程度和路径有很大不同,但趋势基本是一致的,并且有很多共同特征.对这种转型的共同性和特殊性进行描述能够加深我们对东亚各国和地区的政治发展和政治特性的认识.     

马来西亚伊斯兰教国理念、实践与政党政治

马来西亚是东南亚伊斯兰教国家之一,伊斯兰教国议题成为执政党巫统和反对党伊斯兰党争取马来选民支持、寻求政治合法性和打击对手的重要手段之一.华人政党也加入伊斯兰教国的争论,因为这关系到国家政体、民主、种族平等和多元宗教等大问题.在马来西亚政党架构、政党斗争、多元宗教和多元种族的特定条件下,伊斯兰教国议题成为近年马来西亚伊斯兰教政治化的集中体现.     

Pseudo‐democratic politics and populist possibilities: the rise and demise of Turkey's Refah party

Within the span of only a few years, Turkish politics witnessed the dramatic rise and fall of the Refah Party. This transformation from relative obscurity to the head of a ruling coalition and eventual banning was caused by a combination of features inherent in the Turkish political system and the party itself. Turkish democracy features the continued interference of the military in domestic political affairs on the one hand and a preponderance of largely centrist and bland ‘mainstream’ parties on the other. Nevertheless, the existence of ostensibly democratic institutions such as elections or a parliament enable potential political aspirants who are outside the mainstream to make bids for power through officially sanctioned channels. The Refah's rise was a product of the perceived uniqueness of its ideological platform and its unparalleled focus on grass roots voter mobilization. Its fall, however, came when the military considered it to have overstepped the bounds of acceptable political behaviour within the country's narrowly defined democracy.     

Anti-Partyism in German Independent Local Lists: Empirical Insights from a Membership Study

In the past few decades, independent local lists in German municipalities have become serious competitors to political parties. However, despite their widespread presence and success, party researchers have largely ignored this phenomenon. Empirical evidence concerning the attitudes of their members towards political parties is rare. Thus far, it remains unclear whether their self-described image as non-parties or anti-parties is restricted to the sphere of local politics or accompanies a general rejection of parties in federal politics. First, the article conceptualises anti-partyism and proposes an analytical distinction between their intensity and related political level. It then analyses the consequences of different patterns of local politics and group characteristics as well as individual determinants to explain the degree of anti-party sentiment. This study improves our understanding of independents and whether they promote party democracy or are a product of political dissatisfaction. Based on a cross-sectional postal survey, multi-level regression models are used to test the hypotheses. The results show that anti-partyism is particularly strong towards party politics at the local level, whereas the general legitimacy of party democracy is not questioned in federal politics.     

新加坡人民行动党政府的社会控制方式

本文从制度环境、制度安排、政策和策略等方面对新加坡执政的人民行动党及其政府如何处理与其它政党、社群组织和普通选民的关系和社会控制方式进行了分析。指出在制度设计上,它是一个存在一定程度多元制衡的一党独大的以行政为主导的软权威主义的政体。在处理与反对党的关系方面,执政党的基本原则是一方面对其严格限制和控制,采取一切“合法的”手段把其摒弃在国家权力之外,另一方面则保证其在一定程度上的发言权,以对执政党进行一定程度的监督、反映不同的利益和政见。在处理与社群组织和选民的关系方面,其基本原则是通过推行国家合作主义的政策把人民群众纳入执政党所设定的政治发展进程之中;实行一种具有多元利益表达和一定民主性的、提倡体制内合作的自上而下的制度;人民行动党在联系群众方面已经形成了高度制度化的联系机制,尤其是这种机制不是一味迎合人民群众的眼前需要,而是着眼于其长远利益。     

Opposition politics in a democratic South Africa

This article assesses the state of opposition politics in the period of early democracy in South Africa, 1994–95. It contrasts the reality of a broad range of vigorous political opposition with the actuality of relatively poor parliamentary party‐political opposition. In considering these two trends, this article argues for an inclusive conceptualisation of opposition politics ‐ a conceptualisation which includes the whole range of forces of political contestation, and not just party politics. The range of these forces is explored in the article, which while acknowledging that opposition politics can be vibrant, despite limited party‐political opposition in parliament, concludes by pointing out that it is only one step towards a more realistic understanding of their role in the consolidation of democracy. The other essential requirement is full government transparency regarding all matters involving political contestation.     

‘Making democracy a reality’? The politics of decentralisation and the limits to local democracy in Ghana

Through a case study of Ghana, this article focuses on the relationship between decentralisation and local democracy. The Ghanaian constitution emphasises decentralisation as the key means to ‘making democracy a reality’, reflecting the view common amongst international development agencies that decentralisation enhances local democracy and leads to more responsive government. This article questions such views and investigates whether decentralisation in Ghana has led to increased political participation at the local level and to downwardly accountable local government. Empirical findings are two-fold. On the one hand, relatively high levels of participation in local democratic processes are indicated. On the other, accountability mechanisms have not been strengthened, with a number of limitations and shortcomings identified at local level that undermine citizens’ attempts to hold local government and their elected representatives to account. Yet, in seeking to explain this delinkage between participation and accountability, such local issues do not provide a full explanation. Attention is thus refocused on the national context, where structural obstacles to devolved government are identified in the form of legal, political, administrative and fiscal constraints. Such obstacles are not easily overcome, however, due to the politics of decentralisation, notably central government's reluctance to relinquish control over its powers. Recent proposals for reform in Ghana's decentralisation system are considered, but political change is unlikely given the built-in advantages to the ruling party, whichever is in power. Without such reforms, though, local democracy is likely to remain more appearance than reality.     

Failure of security co‐operation in SADC: The suspension of the organ for politics,defence and security

Political opposition parties are considered crucial to the nurturing, enhancing and consolidating of democracy in every political system. Indeed, their existence is proof of political tolerance, competitive party elections, the provision of choices to the voting public and the possibility of alternation in power. However, the political opposition on the African continent is generally weak, and particularly so in Botswana, resulting in the predominance of the ruling party in political affairs. This article analyses the weaknesses of Botswana's opposition parties by tracing their historical evolution, characteristics, electoral base, and performance against the background of the political and electoral system in Botswana and the strength of the ruling party itself. It concludes that future prospects for the opposition to make greater inroads into the Botswana Democratic Party's support are small because of the fragmented nature of the opposition itself and the relative satisfaction of citizens with the current government's performance.     

German Views of the Political System

The article analyses Germans' views of democracy in a longitudinal perspective, especially since unification. It is shown that most Germans in both parts of the country strongly support the idea of democracy although many are at the same time dissatisfied with its practice. This dissatisfaction rests on different motives, ranging from high normative democratic ideals over differences between the normative concept of democracy and the implemented one, including misconceptions of what democracy should or can be to anti-democratic attitudes. At present, Germany faces all these motives of dissatisfaction with democracy, yet in different strata and parts of the society. On the one hand, support for democracy suffers somewhat from declining interest in politics in general, which makes citizens unrealistic about political possibilities and their limits. On the other hand, feelings of economic deprivation, especially in the eastern part, still motivate sceptical views on the western kind of democracy and even in smaller parts of the public an alienation from the democratic credo. Growing inequalities throughout the whole of Germany, especially growing poverty in the lowest social strata, will cause additional systems stress, if it is not moderated by the social welfare system. Thus, the country needs more education in democratic politics for the citizens and more responsive politics on the side of the politicians including more open political structures for citizens' demands and participation.     

The evolution of the New Patriotic Party in Ghana

This paper examines the emergence and development of the ruling New Patriotic Party (NPP) government in the context of a broader examination of the roles of political parties within the Ghanaian political landscape. After describing the political architecture as well as some significant constitutional issues of Ghana's democracy and the roles played by other societal stakeholders, the paper examines the rationale for the formation of the NPP, its manifesto, structure, constituency, power brokers. It then analyses various aspects of the implementation (or not) of the NPP's political and economic objectives since it came to power in 2000 with a message of ‘positive change’. The electoral politics of the campaigns against its major opposition, the National Democratic Congress (NDC), and issues of regionalism, ethnicity and other factors are considered in detail. The paper concludes with some lessons learned and generic recommendations for emerging African political parties in relatively young democracies.     

新加坡人民行动党执政模式分析

新加坡政党政治最为显著的特征是人民行动党一党长期执政.新加坡政党政治的特征和政治文明的成就,使得新加坡人民行动党成为便于借鉴和值得借鉴的执政模式.新加坡人民行动党的执政模式主要表现为:(1)一党独大、多党竞争的政党关系模式;(2)代表全国利益、反映各方意见的政党立场模式;(3)以权制权、以法治权的权力制衡模式;(4)主动"猎人"、科学选人的人才选用模式;(5)老一代主动退位让贤、新一代"自行决定"领袖的权力交接模式.