达尔富尔问题的政治解决进程及对中国外交的启示

达尔富尔问题的实质是苏丹内部的治理危机和发展危机,其根源为当地游牧民与定居农民之间的资源冲突,以及解决这一冲突的传统协调机制的崩溃.美国等部分西方国家对达尔富尔冲突的性质与内容的理解存在夸张或曲解.中国与苏丹关系的发展,特别是达尔富尔问题的政治和解对中国外交具有特别的意义,它关系到中国海外利益的拓展与维护、政治和外交原则的坚持、国家形象的塑造与提升及中国对国际事务的深度参与等重大问题.中国在达尔富尔问题上所受到的外来疑惧、批评乃至诋毁,折射出日益发展的中国全面融入国际社会的艰难;而中国在此问题上的外交选择及政策调适,反映出成就负责任大国所应有的外交谋划和政策把握.未来中国对非洲政策应更具积极性、进取性和包容性.     

达尔富尔问题的历史溯源——再论达尔富尔冲突的原因、阶段及性质

在目前冲突爆发之前,苏丹达尔富尔地区的局势已然十分紧张和混乱.20世纪80年代中期之前,由于这一地区的资源争夺和之后的种族对立问题未得到有效解决,冲突不断升级与扩大,性质也逐渐由传统的部落冲突演变为种族间的暴力对抗.20世纪末,苏丹政治伊斯兰运动的分裂及国家层面的权力争夺,给达尔富尔地区原本严重的种族冲突注入了政治因素,而南方问题趋于解决又给对政府心怀怨恨的某些达尔富尔精英分子树立了用武装斗争赢得权力与财富的样板.因此,达尔富尔目前的危机并非偶然和突发,它既是当地原有冲突的全面升级与扩大,也是争夺国家权力与财富的又一战场.     

从达尔富尔危机透视气候变化下的生态冲突

达尔富尔危机始于2003年2月.这场冲突的矛盾根源是达尔富尔的环境难以承载本地居民与外来生态移民的共同需求,由此引发双方对生存资源的争夺.气候变化是达尔富尔危机的驱动因素,而脆弱的治理结构和粗放的生产方式是酿成危机的内在动力.根据对萨赫勒地区近期的气候变化研究成果,结合苏丹的自然地理、农牧生产、殖民历史等因素,我们认为,达尔富尔冲突本质上是一场农业危机,是一国内部治理问题国际化的产物,解决这场冲突有赖于农业集约化生产的发展.     

苏丹达尔富尔问题与中国的作用

始自2003年初的苏丹达尔富尔问题近年来迅速上升为新的国际热点问题,且由于中国和苏丹有传统友好而密切的政治、经济关系,达尔富尔问题也成为国际上一些组织和个人用来攻击中国的一个"借口",而"沾染"上"中国因素"的达尔富尔问题反过来又进一步高调占据国际媒体。达尔富尔问题的根源是生态恶化导致该地区部落间的利益冲突。达尔富尔问题从苏丹内部一个地区的生态战争"升级"为一个高度国际化和政治化的政治与外交战争,主要源于该地区局势趋于恶化、卢旺达种族大屠杀十年祭活动的警示作用,以及美国政府的高调介入。而后者是最主要因素。中国主张用对话和谈判、发展与合作的方式解决达尔富尔冲突。目前达尔富尔问题的政治解决已取得实质性进展。事实再次证明,中国发挥的建设性作用是至关重要和有效的。     

试论中国在非洲内部冲突处理中的作用——从"保护的责任"理论谈起

近年来,随着综合国力的增强,中国已经成为世界上具有重要影响力的国家,国际社会普遍期望中国承担更大的国际责任.对于中国在国际事务中应发挥怎样和多大的作用,国内外学术界有不同的认知和理解.例如,尽管中国在参与解决苏丹达尔富尔问题中发挥了重要作用,但仍受到部分西方国家的诟病."保护的责任"理论中关于解决人道主义危机的理论实际上是对中国参与解决非洲冲突模式的一种肯定和鼓励.     

种族认同,还是资源争夺--苏丹达尔富尔地区冲突根源探析

苏丹西部达尔富尔地区的暴力冲突并非始自2003年初,早在20世纪80年代该地区就出现了大规模武装冲突。由“萨赫勒”干旱引起的苏丹北部阿拉伯游牧民南下抢夺中部富尔人等非阿拉伯定居农民的土地是导致冲突的根源,而种族因素则既是前期冲突的结果,又是近期冲突的原因。靠武力并不能解决这场危机,结束冲突的正确途径应是承认冲突的环境和生态根源,合理分享这一生态脆弱地区的资源,恢复本地区的经济和社会结构,重新开始冲突双方的传统合作,并开创经济和社会发展的新前景。     

达尔富尔“灭绝种族论”剖析

2003年爆发的达尔富尔冲突造成了平民大量伤亡和流离失所。美国于2004年将其定性为灭绝种族，推动对苏丹实施国际制裁。2005年联合国发表调查报告，否定达尔富尔灭绝种族论，认为苏丹政府没有奉行灭绝种族政策，此报告引起西方不满。2008年7月，国际刑事法院检察官指控苏丹总统巴希尔犯有三项灭绝种族罪，等于再次肯定了达尔富尔灭绝种族论。美国等西方国家将达尔富尔问题营造成一个国际政治问题，一方面是要给苏丹政府扣上一个紧箍咒，一方面则是为了遏制中国发展。对此，我应有清醒认识，采取适当措施，灵活应对。     

中国的苏丹问题研究综述(1949～2006年)

yh苏丹地处非洲板块、亚欧板块和印度洋三大板块之交,汇集伊斯兰教、基督教和黑非洲三大文明于一身。作为非洲最大的国家,苏丹拥有250多万平方公里的领土,耕地广袤,物产丰富,繁衍生息着约600个“地方民族”①。早在公元前750多年,这里的人们就建立了伟大的库施王国,并统治埃及大半个世纪。苏丹于19世纪末沦为英埃共管地,1956年独立后又饱经40多年内战的苦楚。2003年爆发的达尔富尔人道主义危机吸引了全球的目光。目前,中国对苏丹问题研究还比较滞后。本文试图对建国以来中国对苏丹问题研究作一概述。认识苏丹(1956～1965年)建国伊始,中国的…     

西方应对达尔富尔危机的动因和限度

西方国家的强势介入以及对危机的解读和应对,是达尔富尔危机持续升级的最主要外因。这些因素从对内层面看主要有三点,即西方国家曾在非洲殖民侵略的原罪心结;政府回应国内人权、宗教组织的压力;执政党对国内政治选举的策略考虑。从对外视角看,西方国家促使达尔富尔危机升级的主要考虑,既隐含攫取苏丹石油资源的利益冲动,也蕴含打压中国和平发展、维护旧国际秩序的战略考虑。从达尔富尔危机的事态发展来看,西方国家对危机的解读和应对方式已经显现出其内在限度,有时甚至起了阻碍达尔富尔危机解决进程的负面作用。     

非洲人权事业的新进展

进入21世纪以来,非洲人权事业取得了一系列新进展,具体表现在:人权问题日渐受到非洲国家的重视;维护人权的风气正在逐步发扬;认真反思卢旺达大屠杀事件;积极处理达尔富尔人道主义危机;妇女参政的机会日益增加;建立了多个维护人权和发扬民主的组织机构等方面。但是非洲人权事业所面临的问题和困难还很多,其发展是长期而艰辛的,只能在困难中不断前进。     

Population, Prophets, Pensions, and Politics

As immigrant populations in Western welfare states grow at a faster rate than the native populations, whose birthrates have declined dramatically in recent years, Europe's tradition of democracy and tolerance is threatened. The reasons for the birthrate decline and the resultant aging of the native population are many and complex, but one important contributing factor is the pay-as-you-go pension system, which reduces people's immediate dependence on children. Moreover, the payroll and social security taxes that support the welfare state reduce the earnings capacity of men and women of the traditional age for having children, thus pushing down the birthrate. It is time to consider whether modern Europe's small-size families and high pensions are sustainable     

Terrorism,counter-terrorism,and critique: opportunities,examples, and implications

This article explores the parameters, value and limitations of different critical strategies for those dissatisfied with the contemporary politics of terror. It argues, first, that the prominent (counter-)terrorism paradigm – in which terrorism is approached as a ubiquitous and very specific security challenge meriting appropriately exceptional responses – is far more critiqued than we might anticipate. And, second, that such critiques – which can be found across political language, popular culture, everyday life, and beyond – employ distinct critical resources to serve varying ends. Reflecting on these, the article offers a new heuristic distinguishing five critical strategies which seek to: (i) repudiate; (ii) question; (iii) subvert; (iv) replace, or (v) deconstruct the prominent counter-terrorism paradigm. This typology, it argues, offers scope for optimism and strategic resources for those attracted to a critical terrorism studies project going forward.     

Norway,Spitsbergen, and America, 1905-1920

In the Spitsbergen treaty of 1920, Norway acquired sovereignty over the Spitsbergen Islands. Rather than Woodrow Wilson, the American president, the architects behind the treaty were Robert Lansing, Wilson’s secretary of state, and, behind the diplomatic scene, the mining investor, John M. Longyear. In 1906, Longyear established a mining company to exploit the coal deposits at Spitsbergen. He induced Congress, the State Department, and the White House to forge an American policy for the European Arctic, including the appointment of Lansing, an international lawyer, as a counsel in the State Department. Lansing was a leading expert on both international law and the lack of state authority at the terra nullius, Spitsbergen. In 1915, he became secretary of State and, at the Paris Peace Conference, decided American policy regarding the Spitsbergen question. This analysis shows how the outcome of the Spitsbergen question was a result of American mining interests, supplemented by Norwegian-American shared interests in conflict resolution based on international law.     

Pakistan,India, China,and the United States: Energy,Climate Change,and National Security

This article focuses on the interplay of energy, climate change, and national security issues in Southwest Asia, using the newer definition of “national security” to include energy security, economic development, and climate change, as well as traditional security focusing on the military aspects.     

Indigeneity,Ethnicity, and the State: Australia,Fiji, and New Zealand

This article draws on the politics of indigeneity to distinguish the claims of first occupancy from simple ethnic identity politics, illustrating that relative political marginalization in Australasia is not so much a function of minority status but of indigeneity itself. The politics of indigeneity's aim is to create political space for self-determination and a particular indigenous share in the sovereign authority of the nation-state itself. The Australasian states are compared with Fiji to demonstrate that the significance of historical constraints on political authority transcend the withdrawal of a colonial power and the restoration of collective indigenous majority population status.     

International relations in Malaysia: theories, history, memory, perception, and context

The article makes a preliminary survey of the teaching of internationalrelations (IR) in Malaysia. It starts by describing the originsof the field, and the emergence of an IR epistemic communityjoining both academia and government. This account is necessarilyderived from the experiences of the four most established Malaysianuniversities distinguished by length of existence and officialfavor. Subsequently, the survey would describe course contentand influences going into their design. The penultimate sectionswould attempt to place the evolution of Malaysian IR teachingwithin a historical context. This survey nonetheless concludesthat nationalist aspirations continue to remain a secondaryinfluence when compared with intellectual dependence upon theWest in the design of IR education in Malaysia. Received for publication August 28, 2008. Accepted for publication October 2, 2008.     

Culture,liberation, and 'development'

Most of the socio-economic changes taking place in Africa and much of the South are externally driven. External agencies, often in league with the State, by-pass working people and do not involve them in the decision-making processes. Their economic approaches ignore people's cultures and their world view. This denies working people a creative capacity to adapt new techniques and knowledge to their own concrete reality. This article argues for the importance of the historical frame of reference and for the centrality of culture in socio-economic processes. The author argues against approaches which are not culturally familiar to working people.     

The roles of,and relationships between,expatriates, volunteers,and local development workers

This article reports on exploratory research based on interviews with expatriate and local aid workers employed by local and international NGOs in Phnom Penh, Cambodia. Thematic analysis of the interviews found that personnel were placed in groups based on their job category – consultant, volunteer, or permanent staff – regardless of experience. These categories logically reflect each worker's pay level, purpose, and role, but they may also have an implicit power meaning which reinforces group differences and inhibits inter-group relationships. Relationship building was reported to be the most important factor contributing to the success of capacity-development initiatives. Four sub-themes were identified: communication, friendship, reciprocal learning/teaching, and confidence.     

Negotiation,politics, and management

Book reviews in this article:
Samuel B. Bacharach and Edward J. Lawler , Power and Politics in Organizations: The Social Psychology of Conflict, Coalitions, and Bargaining .
Max H. Bazerman and Roy J. Lewicki , eds., Negotiating in Organizations .
Jeffrey Pfeffer , Power in Organizations .