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1.
近代初期,中朝两国一直维持着历史上传统的封建宗藩关系,中国一般不直接插手朝鲜本国事务。但19世纪70年代朝鲜开港后,随着日本及西方资本主义势力渗透朝鲜,中朝两国关系逐渐出现复杂微妙的变化,清政府也逐步开始对朝鲜的内政外交施加影响。以对抗日本的侵略势力。因此,近代中朝关系更多地表现为中日两国在朝鲜的争夺和角逐,直到1895年中日甲午战争以后。  相似文献   

2.
二十世纪初,随着帝国主义列强对中国东北侵略的加深和清末新政的开展,近代报刊开始在东北出现,它开启了民智,传播了资产阶级民主革命思想,推动了革命运动的发展,也从舆论上抵制了外国报馆的文化侵略行径,推进了东北社会的近代化进程。对东北近代社会产生了巨大影响。本文拟从三个历史时间段介绍东北近代以来的报纸和期刊的创立和演变过程。  相似文献   

3.
正150年前,随着明治维新的展开,中日两国在来自西方的"近代"和"文明"标准下渐行渐远,而日本在甲午战争中的胜利更使两国关系发生了逆转,日本仿佛一夜之间"由中国文化的崇拜者和模仿者,转而变成中国文化的质疑者、否定者乃至中国国家的打击者"。~①150年后的今天,当彼时的"近代"标准已不再构成中日之间不可逾越的鸿沟,历尽劫波的中日两国却并未重拾曾经有过的"文化认同",中日间的  相似文献   

4.
日本大众文学是日本"近代""民族国家"确立过程中的有机组成部分。日本"近代"大众文学可分为两个时期:第一时期,大正末年到昭和十年(1935),作家多将时代背景设置在幕府末期至明治初期,实质是通过文学的方式对近代民族国家的"大日本帝国"的历史的再发现;第二时期,昭和十年至1945年战败,作家大多表达了作为"大日本帝国"国民一员的自豪感和归属感,体现了日本知识阶层的"国民化",这一时期的《宫本武藏》更被认为是日本国民自我的确认之作。然而,从战时的《宫本武藏》到2010年时代小说《天地明察》的畅销,我们仍能透视出内在的历史连续性。  相似文献   

5.
近代的中、日、俄 3国文化 ,代表了东北亚国家文化现代化的 3种类型 ,也代表了东北亚国家现代化的 3种类型。日本文化的近代转型是 3国中比较全面、比较彻底的。同日本相比 ,俄罗斯的近代文化转型受俄国旧传统的制约只是半转型 ,而中国的文化转型虽然与俄罗斯有许多相似之处 ,但却比俄罗斯的上层文化转型更为狭窄。这正是 2 0世纪前半期在文化上 ,中国先学日本、后学俄国的原因  相似文献   

6.
刘爱君  徐冰 《东北亚论坛》2007,16(6):117-122
19世纪末至20世纪上半叶,日本在中国创办了大量报刊。其中,在北京发行最早、影响最大的就是华文报纸《顺天时报》,该报第三代社长龟井陆良是20世纪初期活跃在北京新闻界的核心人物之一,也是中日关于"对华二十一条"交涉时日本记者当中对华强硬派的代表。然而,以第一次世界大战为分水岭,战后的龟井转变为批判日本的对华政策、积极宣扬国际和平的活动家。龟井陆良中国观的转变以及他关于新闻媒体与国际关系的一些言论和主张,对于我们回顾上个世纪中日两国由摩擦、冲突走向战争的历程,进而思考今天的中日关系以及媒体在两国关系中的作用与责任,具有历史的见证价值和重要的现实意义。  相似文献   

7.
傅羽弘  魏蕾 《东北亚论坛》2008,17(1):113-117
东北近代知识分子是在中国遭受帝国主义侵略,民族危机加深的形势下形成并发展的。自甲午战争至"九.一八"事变,日本一步步成为侵占东北的主要帝国主义国家,自然成为东北知识分子关注的对象,同时东北近代知识分子的形成与日本又有着千丝万缕的联系。近代中日关系对于两国的政治、经济、文化与思想的发展变化都有着巨大影响,在对日关系方面,中国近代知识分子的思想与行动无疑起到了重要作用。考察东北近代知识分子对日本认识的形成与变迁,从中既可获得可资借鉴的历史教训,同时也可获得对现实的启示。  相似文献   

8.
俄国自17世纪以来交替对中日两国进行扩张,但是他对日本的扩张举动总是遭到日本政府的强烈抵制,而在中国的蚕食扩张屡屡得手。中日在国际体系转换中角色定位的不同是出现这种反应差异的根本原因;而中日两国地缘位置不同和对外界信息的了解程度不同深刻影响了两国对俄国东扩的反应;同时,中日两国对国际环境理解和把握的差异也是两国对俄国东扩出现不同反应的重要原因。  相似文献   

9.
一、日本华侨社会的开端  本文首先拟就初期日本华侨社会的形成史进行考察。因为,笔者认为这个时代是中国和日本均从前近代社会向近代社会转化的时代,处于从传统的民族间关系向近代的国家间关系转移的历史过程,这一时期的民族和国家关系才是考察日本华侨形成、发展史的出发点。此外,笔者还认为这种中日国家间关系和日本社会的性质对日本华侨这一民族集团及他们的认同产生了很大的影响。所幸的是有不少关于这一时期的历史研究,因此这里想边学习这些研究边加以考察。  关于日本华侨社会的开端,以往有 16 世纪后半期的长崎开港(1571 年)之…  相似文献   

10.
本文从中日两国法律文化的三个联结点,即儒家文化圈、中华法系文化圈、汉字文化圈出发,考察了中日两国在法律文化上相互交流与借鉴的基本状况与沿革,表明了中s两国在法律文化上具有最为密切的关系,无论是在古代还是近现代,均属不争之事这一明确的观点。可以说,在古代,是以日本吸收中国法律为主,而在中日之间进行密切的法律文化的交流;而近代以来,则是以中国吸收日本法律文化(主要是经日本消化吸收了的欧洲法律文化)为主,而在中日两国之间进行着更为密切的法律文化的交流  相似文献   

11.
女性杂志的诞生和发展,是日本社会近代化进程中的一个重要议题。明治时期是日本女性杂志的发端期,女性杂志在这一时期的日本女子教育中起着十分重要的作用;特别是在职业女性的养成方面,成为日本女性进入社会的主要途径。在这个意义上,关于明治时期女性杂志的考察,实际上也是近代日本女性生存状态的一种转型研究。  相似文献   

12.
明治初期,维新政府中枢就已深刻地了解到日本所置身的国际社会和国际形势,确立起包括对自己和世界进行重新定位以及日本未来发展方向在内的国际秩序观。近代日本国际秩序思想中的上下秩序认识与欧洲近代国际秩序思想的二重原理体系如出一辙,并在明治维新后迅速与国家政权结合起来,最终确立起对欧美屈从,对东亚邻国强硬的双重外交路线。  相似文献   

13.
张淼 《东北亚论坛》2005,14(6):69-72
刑法是国家之中的重要法律部门。日本自明治维新以来发生了深刻的变化,日本的刑法为了适应社会的发展而不断发生变化。到二次世界大战结束之前,发生了数次变革,这种变化发生的历程深刻体现着日本社会发展和法制发展进程中的被动性,而这种被动性中又有着很强的独立性。  相似文献   

14.
This analysis shows how Japanese legations, first established in Europe during the 1870s, were not just symbolic gestures but played a key role in the Meiji government’s quest for international recognition. The concept of resident ambassador was unfamiliar beyond the European world, so the transition from sending visiting envoys to establishing permanent missions was a pivotal stage. Here a comparative framework gauges the importance of Japan’s new strategy within the context of similar experiments by states such as the Ottoman Empire, Persia, and subsequently China and Siam. The case of Sameshima Naonobu, Japan’s first resident minister in Europe, highlights the cultural barriers the Japanese faced. Assisted by Frederick Marshall, an Englishman at the Japanese Legation in Paris, Sameshima’s research on the mysteries encoded in this particular social universe offers some insight on the nature of the diplomatic corps in Europe.  相似文献   

15.
In the rude awakening of western colonisations in Asia during the nineteenth century, Japan drastically embraced the ‘better and more modern’ western values towards the end of that century—which began with the Meiji Restoration (Meiji Ishin [ ]). Since the nation began frantically learning everything Western—while keeping its traditional values at heart, Beethoven’s Ninth Symphony ‘Choral,’ or daiku as it is known in Japan, has been present throughout the turbulent twentieth century. The social and cultural phenomenon known as nenmatsu-no daiku ([ ] A countless number of annual year-end Beethoven’s Ninth Symphony concerts held throughout Japan each year.) is the subject under scrutiny in this paper. Japan’s almost desperate pursue toward westernization and the much-debated Japanese cultural trait, the ‘groupism’ mentality would make the existence of the daiku phenomenon appear to the bewildered outsider as a horrendous mix of the two elements, but is that simply so? Evidently, the sudden influx of western cultures and ideologies from Europe and the U.S.A. is in great part accountable for the continual and prevalent existence of the daiku in modern Japan. However, we must not overlook the underlying home-grown factors, which have kept the phenomenon well and alive even today. This paper intends to discuss the historical background leading to this phenomenon and present a summary of what daiku is, giving examples of different types of performances as a result of the phenomenon. An attempt will also be given to examine the significance Beethoven’s Ninth has for the Japanese in both social and cultural contexts.  相似文献   

16.
The Anglo–Japanese Alliance signed in 1902 was revised substantially in 1905 and 1911. It survived the First World War and did not lapse until 1923. For two decades, it enabled Britain to withdraw its navy from East Asia, leaving its commercial interests to the protection of Japan. Meanwhile it enabled Japan to expand its influence in Korea and China. There was not an immediate breach of the alliance, but interests clashed in China in the difficult world of economic collapse in the 1930s. When they failed to come to an accommodation, Japan declared war on Britain in 1941. After the war, Britain shared with the United States the task of policing the military occupation of Japan. But when that occupation came to an end in 1952 during the anxious days of the Korean war, the vast majority of Japanese believed that their country's future rested with Washington.  相似文献   

17.
David Chapman 《Japan Forum》2017,29(2):154-179
In this article, I explore a little known aspect of British and Japanese history that began not long after Japan open its ports to the west in the middle of the nineteenth century. It is about negotiations between Japan and foreign powers over sovereign control of an island archipelago 1,000 kilometers southeast of Edo (Tokyo). The Ogasawara (Bonin) Islands were first visited by Japanese in the seventeenth century, declared British territory in 1827 and then reclaimed by Japan in 1876. The diplomatic discussions involved the British and US Consuls acting under instructions from their respective governments and negotiating with the highest levels of Japanese authority during both the Tokugawa and Meiji Periods. I argue that the islands were of little importance to either the governments of Britain or America and that the British authorities were more than willing to hand over sovereign control of the Bonin Islands to the Japanese as early as 1862. Indeed, by the mid-1870s, the British authorities in England were more concerned that the Japanese would not claim the islands and that Britain would be burdened with their responsibility. In arguing this, I provide a novel perspective of Japan's struggles with becoming a modern nation in an increasingly international setting.  相似文献   

18.
坪内逍遥《小说神髓》要展现的是一个庞大的帝国文化图景,其主要意图应置入近代日本社会“他者意识一民族主义一近代国民国家”这一思想观念流程中才能够被理解。它不仅呈现出作者根深蒂固的民族主义立场,而且反映出日本文化界在明治维新后积极谋求文化自立、自强与扩张的文化帝国主义图谋。  相似文献   

19.
The Anglo-Japanese Alliance signed in 1902 was revised substantially in 1905 and 1911. It survived the First World War and did not lapse until 1923. For two decades, it enabled Britain to withdraw its navy from East Asia, leaving its commercial interests to the protection of Japan. Meanwhile it enabled Japan to expand its influence in Korea and China. There was not an immediate breach of the alliance, but interests clashed in China in the difficult world of economic collapse in the 1930s. When they failed to come to an accommodation, Japan declared war on Britain in 1941. After the war, Britain shared with the United States the task of policing the military occupation of Japan. But when that occupation came to an end in 1952 during the anxious days of the Korean war, the vast majority of Japanese believed that their country's future rested with Washington.  相似文献   

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