试析日本近代民族主义的历史背景

一、问题的提出本尼迪克特·安德森在《想象的共同体》一书中谈到日本近代民族主义时指出:相对于19世纪20年代以后蔓延于欧洲的"群众性民族主义"而言,日本近代民族主义属于在那之后出现的"官方民族主义"一类。按照安德森的定义,     

岛礁争端与日本民族主义

日本与韩国、中国和俄罗斯之间普遍存在岛礁主权争端,这三大岛礁主权问题的产生、发展贯穿于近代以来日本国家发展战略的全过程,而民族主义则是岛礁主权争端产生、演变的重要推动力。在日本民族国家构建过程中,虽然民族主义的表现形式不断变化,但领土扩张始终是其追求的重点。鉴于日本民族主义诉求与其国家发展战略、国家利益相吻合,所以岛礁主权争端的烈度将与日本国家民族主义思潮紧密相连。     

近代日本文人与中国文化——以大正文人的上海体验为中心

在日本近代化发展过程中,大正时期出现了“中国情趣”的热潮。由于日本的近代化是在旧物破坏、照搬西洋的前提下进行的,使得人们面对不伦不类的日本发出传统消失殆尽而西洋模仿又流于肤浅的不满。另外,由于明治维新的不彻底性,资产阶级民主主义运动失败,日本国内盛行国家主义、民族主义至上的风气,使近代知识分子追求自由、平等和近代生活方式的梦想破灭。在这种闭塞的时代背景下,面对东西文化和思想的冲突,近代日本知识分子陷入苦闷彷徨中,于是到中国上海旅行成为他们追求梦想、宣泄感情的手段。     

试析志贺重昂地理学中的殖民扩张论

志贺重昂是日本近代国粹主义代表人物,也是一位地理学家。其国粹主义思想和主张多反映在他的一些地理学著述中。在其自明治30年代所写下的一系列地理学著述中,志贺重昂对西方列强的殖民行径表现出了赞同和羡慕之意,大肆宣扬殖民扩张论,暴露了作为日本近代民族主义一种表现形式的其国粹主义思想之本质。     

民族主义在中国的兴起及其对近代中国的影响

民族主义是世界上内涵最复杂、影响最广泛的政治思潮之一。自近代在欧美形成以来,其传播速度之快、爆发威力之巨和影响程度之深,都相当惊人,以至有人说,“没有民族主义,就不能理解近代世界的意识形态”①。那么,近代民族主义到底是如何兴起的?它的兴起又对近代中国产生了哪些影响呢?民族主义的内涵及形成民族主义的内涵十分错综复杂,法国政治学家吉尔·德拉努瓦曾指出:“民族主义是一种非常富有弹性、甚至变化无常的意识形态。”②因此,尽管中外学者对民族主义一直进行着广泛的讨论和研究,但由于理解和阐述的角度不同,学术界在民族主义内涵…     

战前日本的极端民族主义——以“国体明征运动”为中心的考察

“国体”是战前日本的民族主义的重要保证和推动力量，因此亦可称之为“国体民族主义”。与“国体”的结合，体现了日本民族主义的独特性。本文即以日本极端民族主义的典型体现——1935年的“国体明征运动”为例，指出“国体”意识形态作为共同体的一种防御机制，其作用不在于是什么，而是在于它的绝对价值特征可以用来确保民族认同、统合民众。于是每当体制有动摇之虞时就出现国体论的高潮，在这个意义上，“国体”与民族主义的结合是结构性的。     

从“烟草抗议”到“宪政革命”——伊斯兰教与19世纪末20世纪初的伊朗民族主义

早期伊朗民族主义是在什叶派伊斯兰文化基础上产生的一种独特的宗教-民族主义,具有自身的特色.由于伊朗与伊斯兰教什叶派的特殊亲缘关系,伊朗反封建、反殖民的民族主义一直与伊斯兰教什叶派自成一体,具有鲜明的宗教色彩.自近代以来伊朗民族主义思潮与运动发端之际,伊斯兰教什叶派就构成了影响伊朗社会发展的重要因素.伊朗民族主义在发端年代与伊斯兰教什叶派所形成的这种特殊联系,决定了伊朗民族主义运动难以摆脱伊斯兰教的束缚与羁绊,正是伊斯兰革命这一当代伊斯兰复兴运动的标志性事件得以在伊朗取得成功的历史积淀所在.     

新民族主义

民族主义并不是冷战后的新生事物,而是与民族(指与近代主权国家相伴而生的现代民族)这一历史产物同在的一种文化现象。然而,在历史发展到越来越多的问题必须要国际社会的全力协作方可解     

试论缅甸近代历史上的“1300运动”

"1300"运动是缅甸近代民族主义运动中影响最大的一次运动,这次运动由以下三部分组成1938-1939年仁安羌和稍埠石油工人大罢工和"饥饿进军";1938年的反穆斯林运动;以及1938-1939年的学生抗议运动."1300"运动促使缅甸人民更加团结,民族主义意识空前高涨,缅甸近代民族主义运动进而跨入了一个新的发展时期.     

20世纪初期爪哇排华运动探析

本文聚焦于20世纪初期的爪哇排华运动,考察了华人资本主义发展与近代印尼民族主义发展之间的关系。指出这次排华骚乱是印尼民族资产阶级对华人资本主义扩张的一种自发反应,近代爪哇华人资本主义的发展以及由此而产生的华人商业文化与伊斯兰宗教文化、华人资本与印尼民族资本之间的文化冲突与商业竞争是导致这次排华骚乱的一个根本原因。笔者认为我们在谴责与抨击印尼民族资产阶级针对华人的狭隘民族主义和野蛮排华暴力的同时,也应该思考这次排华骚乱所带来的历史教训,反省华人资本主义扩张进程中的商业道德,并思考在多元社会里华人资本主义发展所依托的商业文化应如何与其根植的社会环境相适应,以促进多元族群社会经济与社会的和谐发展。     

民族主义与区域主义--论后冷战时代东北亚安全观念建构的双重困境

在后冷战时代,东北亚“混合型区域主义”的矛盾性、复杂性和流变性要求人们不要以西方的经验来评估和判定东北亚的区域主义,而在逻辑上和事实上呈现出多重张力的东北亚民族主义又使东北亚的安全现实日益严峻。对后冷战时代的东北亚安全观念建构而言,二者之间的张力构成了现实和理论上的双重困境。这种困境也昭示了后冷战时代东北亚安全观念建构所面临的复杂性、紧迫性和脆弱性。突破和超越这种双重困境的关键在于:东北亚各国如何消融国内日益增强的民族主义情绪,东北亚的知识界如何应对西方主导的全球主义意识形态和学术话语霸权的挑战以及东北亚社会如何汲取传统的东亚体系的合理因子,以避免新的帝国观念和帝国体系的出现。     

British cultural diplomacy and the cold war: 1946-61

Why was Britain so reluctant to use the tools of cultural diplomacy for the cold war? First, the habits of administration and the effects of war encouraged a compartmentalization of effort. There was no obvious point at which to construct an overview or a strategy which could match the Soviet enterprise. Second, the dissolution of the empire exposed the racism and ethnic tensions which had existed in both the United Kingdom and its colonies. Policymakers appeared to be pursuing incompatible objectives. They found it difficult to think about post-colonial influence except in terms of a policy for the Commonwealth, but also to construct such a line of action. The insubstantiality of cultural diplomacy is part of the trauma of losing great power status. Arab nationalism was the major force which prompted government into action on cultural affairs. Commitments were made before the military operations in Suez.     

British cultural diplomacy and the cold war: 1946–61

Why was Britain so reluctant to use the tools of cultural diplomacy for the cold war? First, the habits of administration and the effects of war encouraged a compartmentalization of effort. There was no obvious point at which to construct an overview or a strategy which could match the Soviet enterprise. Second, the dissolution of the empire exposed the racism and ethnic tensions which had existed in both the United Kingdom and its colonies. Policymakers appeared to be pursuing incompatible objectives. They found it difficult to think about post‐colonial influence except in terms of a policy for the Commonwealth, but also to construct such a line of action. The insubstantiality of cultural diplomacy is part of the trauma of losing great power status. Arab nationalism was the major force which prompted government into action on cultural affairs. Commitments were made before the military operations in Suez.     

“东北亚区域秩序研究”笔谈

进入21世纪,东北亚国际关系波谲云诡,成为全球地缘政治的热点。如何透过纷繁复杂的现象,探寻东北亚区域秩序变迁的历史轨迹,三篇文章试图从不同的视角回答这一问题。"从帝国到霸权:东北亚区域秩序的现代转型"以帝国与霸权为切入点,解读了两者在东北亚区域秩序的形成及转型过程中发挥的作用;"后冷战时代东北亚的民族主义与区域秩序"从民族主义入手,探讨了东北亚各国民族主义对塑造东亚均势秩序的影响,以及走向法理秩序的可能;"中华帝国转型与东北亚区域形成"回溯近代以来中华帝国与区域世界的互动,中国从农业帝国向现代主权国家的转变是东北亚区域形成的核心动力所在。     

俄罗斯帝国时期的国债对俄罗斯国债管理的启示

国债管理问题是俄罗斯国家经济中最重要的问题之一，它直接影响到经济增长的幅度、国家的信贷和预算政策。为了对俄罗斯国债管理的改革得出更加准确、客观的评价，应该重视俄罗斯帝国时期在国债管理方面的经验。当今俄罗斯国债管理的所有问题在那个时期几乎都出现过，很多解决的办法在那时也都进行了尝试。借鉴俄罗斯帝国在管理国债、吸引国内外资金等方面的经验，能够在有效管理当代俄罗斯国债问题上获得许多历史启示。     

The ‘new nationalism’ and democracy: A critique of Pro Patria

This article addresses a way of thinking which has entered the current literature on democratization and which I call the new nationalism. The main argument of this approach is that a certain kind of nationalism is essential for the future of democracy. It is conceptualized variously as ‘civic nationalism’, ‘national identity’, ‘esprit general’, ’constitutional patriotism’ or even ‘post‐nationalism’ and is contrasted with conventional forms of nationalism marked by ethnic hatred. The ‘new nationalism’ rejects Marxist internationalism, which it sees as nullifying the importance of the nation‐state for democracy. I shall explore the arguments put forward in this mode by Ignatieff, Kristeva and Habermas; criticize the national chauvinism which continues to run through them; reassess their criticisms of Marxism; and compare them with the more critical approach of Hannah Arendt. I shall, finally, argue that the ‘new nationalism’ is an inadequate framework for theorizing democracy in the modern age.     

Empire and modernity: dynastic centralization and official nationalism in late imperial Ethiopia

Conventional accounts of modern state-formation either underplay its contradictory and variegated character or neglect its international dimensions. Against these approaches, alternative theories of state-formation have emerged centred on the constitutive significance of intersocietal relations and differential temporalities. This article develops the latter approaches in relation to the Ethiopian state. Contrary to widespread assumptions of Ethiopia's political insularity, it suggests that at three crucial turning points geopolitical exigencies provided the critical impetus for the political and cultural reconstitution of the state. Late nineteenth century European colonial encroachment triggered a reaction in the form of an Ethiopian imperial expansion to rival them. And the political shock of Italian occupation 40 years later provoked a concurrent project of dynastic centralization and official nationalism in the post-restoration period. But precisely because divine monarchy and nationalism are antithetical orders by virtue of their opposed principles of sovereignty, the attempt to conjoin them generated deep social and cultural contradictions that erupted in two successive revolutions that were internationally overdetermined and resulted in a profound reconstitution of the Ethiopian state.     

Political Power and Civil Counterpower: The Complex Dynamics of the Catalan Independence Movement

Civil proindependence associations are playing an increasingly significant role in Catalonia's independence movement, putting pressure on the Catalan government to work decisively towards independence. This has led many Catalans to characterize the movement as a “bottom-up” phenomenon. This contribution analyzes the shifting power dynamics within mainstream Catalan nationalism over the last decade, challenging simplistic notions of “top-down” and “bottom-up” pressures for change. In fact, the movement is now inherently multidimensional—partly thanks to the pivotal role of the cultural elites and their grasp of the power of new media—and this in itself accounts in large part for its success.     

The Global Communitarian Deficit

This article uses the sociological/philosophical theory of liberal communitarianism to analyze existing trends in global affairs. The European Union (EU) has often erred by expanding its missions without also recognizing the pull of nationalism and conducting community-building to strengthen the bonds among member nations. EU nations and countries around the world are retreating to nationalism. Rather than bringing the world together to fight a common enemy, the COVID-19 crisis has accelerated these global trends. The rise of nationalism has not increased domestic cohesion, but has led to high levels of domestic polarization. International communities seem a long way off, and the world order in the near future may depend to a considerable extent on whether the United States will permit China to increase its influence in the Western Pacific, which would allow for collaboration on most other matters.     

Economic Reforms and Ethnic Nationalism in the Context of Transition to Democracy: The Case of Four Eastern European Nations

The end of communism stimulated an increase of nationalism in east central European countries. It is argued that this resurgence of ethnic sentiments is a consequence of prior severe suppression during the communist rule. An important research question that arises is whether nationalism is compatible with the goals of democratization and economic reform that east central European countries set out to accomplish. This article explores the relationship between the choice of economic reforms and the use of nationalistic rhetoric as a mobilization tool. It proposes that the commitment made by any one government to liberal economic reforms is likely to be negatively correlated with the nationalism expressed in social policies. It analyzes the issue by constructing specific indicators reflecting levels for both economic reforms and nationalism embedded in social policies. The research includes four countries: Bulgaria, Slovakia, Romania and Ukraine, over a period of six years. Results lend support to the hypothesis that the commitment of a government to liberal economic reforms is associated with low levels of official nationalism.