建国初期中国与资本主义国家的贸易博弈

建国初期，中国实行“一边倒”的战略，主要发展与苏联等社会主义国家的贸易。但是， 中国并没有放弃资本主义市场，关闭与资本主义国家的贸易大门，而是在美国禁运的夹缝中竭尽 所能地发展与资本主义国家的外贸关系。朝鲜战争爆发前，中国政府的重点是尽可能地从资本主 义世界抢购抢运物资。战争爆发后，面对更严厉的禁运，中国政府利用资本主义世界的矛盾，采取 重点突破、以民促官、以货易货等策略，发展了与英国、日本、法国等多个资本主义国家的贸易关系， 一定程度上打破了西方的封锁。     

华侨资本的前资本主义性质(上)——关于马来西亚陆佑财阀的研究

一、序言从战前开始,东南亚各国的华侨资本就与欧美殖民地资本主义并存,并以其自身所具有的特殊结构不断发展,时至今日人们对华侨资本仍然十分关注,这说明它具有相当顽强的生命力。从历史上看,东南亚地区先有中世纪的阿拉伯商人势力,其后有葡萄牙、西班牙等封建性的殖民地资本主义势力,再后又有英国、荷兰、美国等近代资本主义的统治交替消长,直到战后荷兰、英国资本退出东南亚。其中,只有华侨资本与近代资本     

试论缅甸沦为英国殖民地的过程及其原因

从十八世纪下半期起,随着以英国为首的西方资本主义国家先后进入工业资本主义发展阶段,英、法等西方殖民者开始对大陆东南亚加紧武装侵占领土的活动。缅甸首先成为英国征服的对象。本文试图从英缅关系的发展来论述英国侵略缅甸的三次战争和缅甸沦为英国殖民地的经过与原因。     

浅析拉美和英国工业化进程的不同特点

由于世界各国的内外部条件存在着“变异”和“差别”,它们的工业发展道路和发展模式各不相同。即使在资本主义世界,各个国家也都经历着各种不同类型的工业化进程。拉丁美洲国家和英国都是发展资本主义经济的国家,但前者的工业化进程和后者的工业化发展模式迥然不同。英国早在十八世纪六十年代至十九世纪三十年代就进行了资本主义工业化,是世界上资本主义工业化的先驱国。经过工业化,英国建立起纺织工业、冶金工业、煤炭工业和机器制造业,修建了主要铁路干线,劳动生     

第二次世界大战时期的中印关系及其影响因素

第二次世界大战时期的中印关系进入了一个新的阶段,但两国的关系发展受到阻碍。从英国统治者的角度来讲,英国是绝对不允许这种关系发展的。为了稳固其政权,英国一方面加紧了对印度的控制;美国出于战后的战略考虑,更是频频干预印度问题;蒋介石在对待印度问题上过分看重印度国大党,忽视了穆斯林联盟的力量。蒋介石的决策失误,这导致中国抗战未能得到穆斯林联盟的有效支持。     

日美经济摩擦及其前景

日本经济高速增长后,从60年代末开始,日美贸易摩擦不断发生。这是资本主义发展不平衡的必然,是资本主义大国战后“按资本”、“按实力”重新分割市场的具体表现。异军突起的日本,要同美国平起平生、一争高低的信心日益增强。在日美贸易中,日本的优势日渐显著。为了改变不利局面,美国一再提出种种要求,迫使日本让步。日美经济摩擦有愈演愈烈之势,而且正在向深度和广度发展,令人瞩目。     

东盟国家的工业发展

一、殖民地经济结构的特点东盟各国从资本主义原始资本积累时期、商业资本时期、工业资本时期直到垄断资本时期,在长达四百多年的期间内一直是葡萄牙、西班牙、荷兰、英国、法国、美国等殖民主义国家的殖民掠夺对象和相互争夺的场所。十九世纪七十年代世界资本主义开始发展到帝国主义阶段,国际金融资本开     

英国的国有企业

英国作为发达资本主义国家,早在19世纪后半期就开始经营国有企业。从整体看,国有企业对英国经济的发展作出过重大贡献,同时也产生了一些棘手难题。近20年来,英国政府根据国有企业带来的问题,对其进行改造,取得了一些成功的经验。目前,世界上有100多个国家不同程度地采用了英国改造国有企业的经验。     

关于拉丁美洲的发展模式

三十年代前的“外向发展”模式拉丁美洲早在商业资本主义阶段就参与了世界市场,初期主要是出口贵重矿产品以满足西班牙王室的要求。后来由于产业革命的发展,拉美在世界市场上的作用日趋活跃,以出口大量农牧产品而对欧洲、特别是英国的资本主义积累提供可靠的支持。英国     

以“开拓”为名的日本移民侵略——日本移民侵略档案分析

从1905年到1945年间,日本政府在军事侵略中国的同时,对中国东北实施了有计划、有组织、有步骤的大规模移民侵略。明治维新后,日本在发展资本主义的同时,也走上了扩张军备和对邻近国家进行侵略扩张的军国主义道路——大陆政策。日本"开拓团"(殖民扩张团,下同)是近代日本殖民扩张政策的产物。日本为了掩饰其战略意图和侵略行径,把侵入中国东北的日本移民团改称"开拓团",企图掩盖日本移民侵略的本质。准确地把握其政策形成过程,有助于深刻理解日本对东北实施移民的侵略动机和性质。从日本向我国东北大规模移民及其移民政策的变化过程来看,日本向中国东北移民是上升为"国策"地位的国家战略行为,是日本对中国东北地区实行殖民扩张的重要手段,日本"开拓团"本质上就是"殖民扩张团"。     

The Color of Threat: Race,Threat Perception,and the Demise of the Anglo-Japanese Alliance (1902–1923)

Race is understudied in International Relations generally and International Security specifically. To mitigate this omission, this article provides a racial theory of threat perception. It argues that, under certain conditions, racial prejudices embedded in racial identities shape threat perceptions and generate behavioral dispositions. In the first step, racial similarity deflates threat perceptions, while racial difference inflates them. In the second step, deflated threat perceptions facilitate cooperation among racially similar agents, while inflated threat perceptions facilitate discord among racially different agents. Using extensive archival and secondary sources, the article illustrates the explanatory value of the theory in the case of the Anglo-Japanese Alliance (1902-23).     

Britain and Japan: Long-Range Images, 1900-52

The Anglo-Japanese Alliance signed in 1902 was revised substantially in 1905 and 1911. It survived the First World War and did not lapse until 1923. For two decades, it enabled Britain to withdraw its navy from East Asia, leaving its commercial interests to the protection of Japan. Meanwhile it enabled Japan to expand its influence in Korea and China. There was not an immediate breach of the alliance, but interests clashed in China in the difficult world of economic collapse in the 1930s. When they failed to come to an accommodation, Japan declared war on Britain in 1941. After the war, Britain shared with the United States the task of policing the military occupation of Japan. But when that occupation came to an end in 1952 during the anxious days of the Korean war, the vast majority of Japanese believed that their country's future rested with Washington.     

Security challenges and institutional responses: An Austrian perspective

Common wisdom is that NATO's future hinges solely on the outcome of the International Security Assistance Force mission in Afghanistan. While the state of Afghanistan will impact the future of the Alliance for better or for worse, it will not be the sole or even primary factor to influence the future of NATO. In many ways, Afghanistan has become an excuse for the Alliance to ignore some of the in-built problems of the organisation. The allies' inability to define clearly the nature of the Alliance and its core missions, a lack of capability and poor funding, topped off by exceedingly weak and troubled relations with other international organisations, particularly the European Union, all pose significant challenges that the alliance must address to remain relevant, coherent, and equipped to engage effectually in future operations.     

从错误知觉角度看中国印尼复交迟滞问题

中国和印尼关系是亚太地区重要的双边关系。然而历史上两国关系发展却并不顺利。苏哈托统治时期,中印尼关系长期处于中断状态。即使在亚洲乃至世界各国纷纷与中国建交、复交的情况下,印尼仍坚持不与中国复交,其中原因非常复杂。文章从国际政治认知心理学的角度,着重从历史包袱、诱发定势和认知相符这3个方面分析印尼对中国的错误知觉及其对印尼决定与中国复交的影响,并就构建两国友好关系的心理基础提出自己的建议。     

Britain and Japan: a survey of recent books in English dealing with aspects of Anglo-Japanese relations

Abstract

Since the Japan Festival in the UK in 1991 some significant studies in English have been published about Anglo-Japanese relations. Two sets of volumes stand out. These are the five volumes in the History of Anglo-Japanes Relations 1600–2000 and the ten volumes in the series Britain and Japan: Biographical Portraits which have covered up to six hundred British and Japanese personalities and themes. Some aspects of Anglo-Japanese relations and some personalities deserve further attention. Cultural exchanges have developed greatly in the seventy years since the end of the Second World War and merit research and analysis. Considerably more detailed work needs to be done on Anglo-Japanese trade and financial relations and on Japanese investment in the UK and British investment in Japan.     

日朝关系的发展及其意义

日朝关系是东北亚地区国际关系中的重要方面之一,在战后半个世纪的历史进程中,日朝关系发展历程经过了“五起四落”。值此新世纪到来之际,与朝鲜半岛北南和平统一进程加速化相伴随,日本虽然有可能加大对朝关系正常化的谈判力度,但若不把以往对朝政策做一番战略调整,其对朝关系发展仍很难摆脱“起起伏伏”的局面,其邦交正常化目标亦很难尽快实现。     

The Rise of China and the Future of the Atlantic Alliance

The consequences and implications of China's rise have been analyzed and discussed from a number of perspectives. There has been little analysis that specifically evaluates the implications for the Atlantic Alliance, however, and whether an international system defined by U.S.-China bi-polarity would lead to a strengthening or a weakening of the transatlantic relationship. This article argues that China's rise will create security dynamics that likely will lead to a weakening of the Atlantic Alliance. It is unlikely that China's rise will provide NATO with a renewed purpose or give a convincing rationale for alliance cohesion the way the Soviet Union once did. Instead, China's rise will reveal divergent strategic interests and priorities among the members of the Atlantic Alliance, with a real possibility that America's rebalancing toward the Asia-Pacific could intensify perceptions on both sides of the Atlantic of NATO's declining geopolitical value and relevance.     

论国家民族主义对普京执政以来俄罗斯外交政策的影响

民族主义是俄罗斯在历史嬗变中形成的独特思想文化.西化改革失败后,俄罗斯国力和国际地位日趋衰弱,以追求国家利益为核心的国家民族主义迅速兴起,它压倒包括自由主义在内的各种意识形态,成为当代俄罗斯最具影响力的政治思潮.当代俄罗斯国家民族主义作为一种文化,对俄罗斯的外交政策起到了重要作用.本文主要论述了国家民族主义对普京执政以来的俄罗斯外交政策产生的影响.     

Postcards and Propaganda: Cartographic Postcards as Soft News Images of the Russo-Japanese War

Postcards are an important resource that has been largely overlooked in mainstream research on historical events, political attitudes, perceptions, propaganda, and communication. Accordingly, this article expands the relevance of the postcard from social artifact to historical document embodying social and political messages. In particular, the article examines the images and representations used in cartographic postcards during and after the Russo-Japanese War (1904–1905). Not only is this relevant to the study of political propaganda, but also for the study of historic media, popular consumption of political messaging, and as an additional tool with which to study the history of international politics and communication. The political history leading up to the outbreak of the Russo-Japanese War is briefly covered. Images of cartographic postcards are examined in context of the conflict, with the goal of gaining a greater appreciation for postcards as a form of early “soft news” visual mass media. As such, this is a means by which imperial attitudes and public opinion were shaped. Recommendations are made to broaden the use of postcards as primary documents, especially as these cards are enjoying an online renaissance (e.g., collecting, displaying, discussing). They are valuable in augmenting a variety of research agendas and are fruitful for the study of early modern mass media, social history, public discourse, and political messaging with regard to soft news and public opinion.     

身份叙事与中国参与北极事务身份建构

国家身份可以划分为总体身份和具体身份,具体身份是总体身份在不同场域的具体投射。作为话语实践的一种形式,叙事则是身份建构的主要机制,它将一系列关于总体身份和具体身份的隐喻以特定逻辑联系在一起。当代中国所追求的总体身份是负责任大国,而这一身份的主要表现则是倡导构建人类命运共同体。这一身份通过领域或功能以及地域两个维度被投射到北极场域,形成了"北极事务的重要利益攸关方"这一具体身份。本文在论述叙事和国家身份形成关系的基础上,重点分析了"北极事务的重要利益攸关方"这一身份隐喻通过叙事被投射到具体场域中的过程。通过叙事,"北极事务的重要利益攸关方"同中国的国际责任、各国的共同利益等话语联系在一起,成为负责任大国身份在北极场域的延伸,成为构建人类命运共同体这一宏观目标的组成部分。