America in the Eyes of America Watchers: survey research in Beijing in 2012

Based on an original survey conducted in the summer of 2012 in Beijing, we examine how China's America watchers—IR scholars who work on US-China relations—have viewed China's power status in the international system, US-China relations and some specific US policies in Asia. Our survey shows that almost half of the survey participants thought that America would remain the global hegemon in the next ten years. Meanwhile, a large majority was also optimistic that China is a rising great power, especially in the economic sense, in the world. More than half of the respondents saw Asian military issues, such as the South China Sea issue, as the most difficult problem between China and the US.     

An Emerging Consensus on the US Threat: the United States according to PLA officers

Though the PLA elite perceptions of the United States have fluctuated over time, there has been some regularity in the evolution of their perceptions. Comparing the dominant perceptions of the United States among different generations of Chinese military elites in the PRC, we find that the PLA elite perceptions of US intentions have been foremost influenced by China's strategic interest in a certain period, rather than the level and intensity of bilateral exchanges at the time. Using the case of US arms sales to Taiwan and the case of the South China Sea and the Diaoyu Islands, we try to assess how consistent and persistent PLA elite perceptions of the US have been in recent years. While we agree that these outspoken military men cannot be taken on the surface as indicative of China's national policies, we will also point out several important dimensions that are likely to allow the PLA to play a more influential role in setting the agenda for China's strategic interest in the era of Xi Jinping.     

基于西部大开发视角下的教育发展与经济增长的实证研究

西部大开发是继东部沿海开放后国家实施的又一个重大区域政策，优先发展教育成为西部开发中的重点。该文对比分析了西部大开发前后教育发展水平的变化，在此基础上，采用模型实证研究方法对教育政策促进经济增长的效应进行了评价，并根据评价结果提出了相应地进一步提升西部教育发展水平的对策与建议。     

20世纪90年代以来南海争端中的美国因素

20世纪90年代中期以来,美国以保护自由通航为由逐步介入南海的争端,并将此作为实现其亚太战略的一种手段。美国的介入对中国南海主权权益的维护产生的负面影响是：危及中国战略安全利益,增加中国收回南海主权的难度,加剧了地区紧张局势。中国政府坚定地表达了维护国家领土主权的决心和意志,并采取了切实措施维护中国的领海主权;坚持“以邻为善,以邻为伴”的周边外交政策,加强与东盟的战略沟通和战略互信：有针对性地应对美国在南海地区的利益需求。     

论两岸在南海争端中的战略合作问题

在两岸关系和平发展进程中,南海问题是一个具有战略价值的议题.两岸是否需要和能否在当前激烈的南海争端中进行战略合作,需要进行全面的考察.马英九执政以来,台湾当局的南海政策重新回到了1994年的政策轨道,重申"中华民国"拥有南海主权,并有意推动两岸合作开发南海资源.但是,两岸的"南海合作"不得不面对内外因素的制约.两岸之间能否搁置争议、构筑互信和建立必要的沟通平台是必须考虑的内部制约因素,而制约两岸合作的外部因素则主要是美国的阻挠和南海周边国家的分化.总体看来,两岸在南海问题上谋求合作,符合两岸的根本利益,既有利于维持中国的海洋权益,也有利于推动两岸关系和平发展.     

South China Sea: Controversies And Solutions

Disputes have recently broken out between China and some Southeast Asian countries and the United States in the South China Sea. The Beijing-based Economic Information Daily spoke to Liu Nanlai, a research fellow at the Institute of International Law under the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, on the origin of the South China Sea issue and China's position on it. Excerpts follow:     

两岸合作开发南海渔业资源法律机制构建

南海自古以来便是中国渔民的重要作业渔场。两岸合作开发南海渔业资源,是解决南海争端的重要着手点和突破口。两岸南海渔业合作符合双方共同利益,但这一合作必定面临诸多内外因素阻碍。内部因素是两岸主权共识缺失、互信基础薄弱、沟通渠道有限;外部因素是南海周边国家的分化和美国的阻扰。然而,南海渔业资源北衰南兴的现状与外来侵渔的紧迫形势决定了两岸加紧合作共同维护南海渔业资源主权权利是必要的。目前两岸在政策、法律和技术层面的一致性、默契性和互补性也决定了双方南海渔业合作是可行的。两岸可基于《海峡两岸经济合作框架协议》已搭建的制度化平台,由两岸经济合作委员会成立南海渔业工作小组,通过签订协议的方式构建南海渔业资源合作开发法律机制。     

调整税收政策，加快西部地区经济发展

实施西部大开发战略,需要税收的支持。我国现行的税收政策存在着制约西部地区经济发展的因素,西部大开发税收优惠政策也没有发挥出它应有的作用。因此,要使西部地区经济得到更快的发展,就必须调整现行部分税收政策、完善税收优惠政策、进行税收制度创新,如制定限制性税收政策和试行生态税收制度,形成完整的区域性税收政策。     

论当今国际社会的特点及对中国国际社会战略的启示

当今国际社会是以美国为首的西方国家主导、经济全球化为核心的全球化加速发展、国际政治问题社会化和国际社会问题政治化、权力政治和权利政治共存竞争的全球性国际社会。这启示中国应当在坚持符合国家利益和国际利益的原则基础上,以营造良好国际环境与塑造和谐国际社会为目标,更积极地融入国际社会,在融入中做到传统外交和非传统外交并重,保持一颗平常心和自信心,灵活对待社会主义国家和发展中国家身份,着力处理好与大国和周边国家的关系,尤其是中美两国之间的关系问题。     

From Financial Assets to Financial Statecraft: the case of China and emerging economies of Africa and Latin America

Over the past few decades, China has accumulated over US$3.4 trillion of official foreign exchange reserves as it rises to become a global power. Do China's financial assets increase its ability to pursue its national interests internationally? With the globalisation and rising influence of Chinese state-owned enterprises, state-owned banks and sovereign wealth fund, as well as China's growing clout in several regional groupings, it is clear that China does possess the necessary mechanisms to assert its financial power. This article examines the efficacy and limitations of these mechanisms in Africa and Latin America, in the economic and political domains. In the economic domain, China has consistently used foreign oil contracts and acquisitions to secure direct oil flow from developing nations. An analysis of recent cases shows that while China is able to successfully harness its financial power in its pursuit of oil, it needs to fulfil its promises to the satisfaction of the recipient countries in order to maintain the value of its offers. In the political domain, China has used its financial assets to purchase diplomatic allegiance from various African and Latin American countries in support of its One-China policy. Studying both successful and unsuccessful cases reveals that while China is generally able to use its financial power in third-world countries against Taiwan successfully, its national goals have, in recent years, shifted to the economic realm, even with countries that still recognise the Taipei government.     

中国宏观调控的差异性与特殊性论析

中国经济转型的同时,政府对国民经济运行的干预和管理、调控方式也在转型,形成了有别于西方经济学的宏观调控的实践和概念。中国宏观调控与经典西方宏观经济理论中定义的宏观经济政策存在诸多的不同,在目标设定、手段选择方面,中国宏观调控表现出明显的差异性和特殊性。这表明,中国宏观调控是基于中国经济转型的实践和理论创新。     

越南国防安全教育与边防治理策略研究——以滇越边境地区为例

中越两国经历了20世纪70年代末的战争后,20世纪90年代初两国关系恢复正常,并建立睦邻友好关系,1999年两国缔结《中越陆地边界条约》使长期悬而未决的陆地边界问题得以解决。进入21世纪后,越南提出了不建立军事关系、不设国外军事基地、不结盟反对他国的“三不”外交政策,并在边境地区适时调整了国防安全教育和边防治理策略。构建了全民、公职人员、学校和村落精英“四位一体”的国防安全教育体系,采取了政治通边、经济固边、文化戍边、定点守边、精英稳边等边防治理策略,妥善处理与周边国家的关系。     

China's widening economic disparities and its ‘Go West Program’

This paper analyzes the serious widening of economic disparities in China during the last two decades. The economic disparities indicate that there is a substantially lower standard of living, and lower economic activity in the western region of China as compared with the eastern region. The causes of these disparities include a wide range of factors: geographical differences; government policies that address market distortions; preferential treatment that favors the eastern coastal areas; and an imbalance in China's industrial structure. To avoid further deterioration and a further widening of the disparities, Chinese leaders have embarked on the so‐called ‘Go West Program’. By adopting the node–axle theory, this study recommends that selected areas in the western region be considered as pilot nodes for this development, with each node networked to other axles for further development. The government's policy declaration on the ‘Go West Program’ should not lead one to be overly optimistic about this program. Evaluations of investment prospects in western China should take into consideration the constraints inherited by the western regions: a weak legal system, local government inefficiency, and inferior infrastructure and labor quality.     

China's Foreign Military Relations with Asia‐Pacific

The People's Liberation Army has always had a significant role in shaping and implementing the People's Republic of China's foreign policies. Over the past two decades, the PLA's role has increased considerably, and is likely to become even more important in the future as China develops its military capabilities and casts a broader shadow in the Asia‐Pacific region. The PLA's foreign relations program has several goals: to shape the international security environment in support of key Chinese national security objectives; to improve political and military relations with foreign countries; to enhance China's military and defense industry modernization; to provide military assistance to countries in the developing world; and, to acquire knowledge in modern military doctrine, operations, training, military medicine, administration, and a host of non-combat related areas. The PLA seeks to accomplish these goals through its military attache´ offices abroad and the use of an elaborate system of bilateral exchanges. Of these programs, the most visible relations involve high-level visits, functional exchanges, arms purchases, and ship visits.     

我国“绿卡制度”完善研究——以吸引海外高层次华人人才回归为视角

21世纪国家之间综合国力的竞争归根到底取决于人才的竞争。经济全球化趋势下,世界经济尤其是西方经济发展放缓,而人才正处于全球自由流动和竞争激烈的状态。中国是一个人口大国和非传统移民国家,中国经济的发展是不是可以更充分发挥本土人才的优势呢?本文就将站在如何吸引我国去国外留学人员、专家、学者等海外高层次华人人才回归的视角,探讨完善中国的"绿卡制度"的对策,从而吸引更多"海归",使他们能为中国的经济和社会发展做出相应的贡献。     

China's New Assertiveness in the South China Sea

China's new assertiveness in the South China Sea has arisen from the growth of its military power, its ‘triumphalism’ in the wake of the Western financial crisis and its heightened nationalism. The other littoral states of the South China Sea have been troubled by the opacity of Chinese politics and of the process of military decision-making amid a proliferation of apparently separately controlled maritime forces. The more active role being played by the United States in the region, in part as a response to Chinese activism, has troubled Beijing. While most of the ASEAN states have welcomed America as a hedge against growing Chinese power, their economies have become increasingly dependent upon China and they don't want to be a party to any potential conflict between these two giants. The problem is that there is no apparent resolution to what the Chinese call, in effect, these ‘indisputable disputes’.     

韩国提高妇女地位机制的建立与发展--兼论对中国提高妇女地位机制的启示

根据“联合国妇女十年”的要求,韩国于1983年建立了“韩国妇女发展机构,”附设在政府的健康和福利部之下。第四次世界妇女大会后,韩国顺应建立和加强提高妇女地位国家机制的国际潮流,建立和完善了韩国政府的性别平等部和性别政策国家机制,将社会性别关注纳入政府政策制定和执行的主流,并不断提高国家机制的权威性、执行力、影响力和效力,有效地推动了韩国的性别平等事业和社会的可持续发展。韩国提高妇女地位的机制和推行社会性别主流化的模式,1999年被联合国妇女发展基金(UNIFEM)遴选为执行《消除对妇女一切形式歧视公约》(CEDAW)最佳的7个方式之一。其经验和做法可为中国加强和完善提高妇女地位的国家机制提供参考。     

The Era of Minimum Tax Rates Is Coming

At a meeting in London on June 5, finance ministers of the Group of Seven (G7) nations agreed to establish a global minimum tax rate of 15 percent for large multinational companies. The historic agreement demonstrates the growing willingness of the United States and European countries to cooperate in the context of rising populism, protectionism and deglobalization in the Western world. It is expected to bring profound changes to global tax governance, as well as to the global trade and economic landscape.     

海权争端与中国海洋权益维护之道

文章阐述了中国与周边国家海权争端的概况;分析了当前这些海权争端的特点;重点探讨了海洋权益的切实维护之道:认为要摒弃"重陆轻海"传统历史观念;重视实际控制和主权宣示;建立高层统一协调机制、独立的综合管理部门和相对统一的海上执法力量;成立中国海权维护委员会;深入研究海洋法和各周边国家法律;大陆与台湾应联手维护海洋主权;采取必要的实际行动等十个方面维护中国的海洋权益。     

新时期涉税犯罪的特点及侦防对策

税收是国家财政的主要来源,是国家实现政治、经济、军事等职能的经济保障,是贯彻落实经济和社会政策的经济杠杆。雄厚的财政实力是国家强盛、国防稳固、人民生活水平提高和社会各项事业发展的根本保证。涉税犯罪严重破坏国家正常的税收征管秩序,危害国家财政和国库安全。深入研究新时期涉税犯罪的规律特点,全面梳理税侦工作面临的问题,严厉打击涉税犯罪,确保国家经济命脉的安全,是公安机关在新的历史条件下的重要任务和职责。