城管执法权与摊贩生存权的探讨

我国城管执法争议,矛盾不断,轻者言语冲突,重者伤人性命,更有甚者群体性事件也屡见报端.城管执法本是为了减少政府的重复执法行为,将处罚权归由一个单位行使,提高政府效率与公信力,保障公民城市良好生活环境,本质是行政便民.然而由于城管执法的对象主要是处于社会底层的劳动者(流动摊贩居多),加上城管本身存在的执法理念错位,执法人员素质参差不齐,执法行为简单粗暴、对流动摊贩一味地驱赶、罚没等问题,造成了执法权与摊贩的生存权的激烈冲突.为了调和二者的矛盾,有必要针对城管的执法现状与摊贩的生存现状及二者存在的问题进行探讨,找到二者的平衡点,规范与保障社会底层的生存权,真正实现以人为本的执法理念.     

宽严相济刑事司法政策在群体性事件引发犯罪中的适用

社会和谐的前提是法律的和谐,法律和谐的关键是立法、司法和执法的和谐,当前群体性事件是阻碍构建社会主义和谐社会的因素。本文就如何在处理群体性事件时适用宽严相济的刑事政策做探讨,从而提高司法操作中处理刑事案件的效率。     

论环境政策与环境法律的环境保护合力作用

我国的环境保护工作起步于环境政策,在建设法治国家进程中环境政策与环境法律的并存是客观实际的需要。环境政策和环境法律是我国保护环境的两种有效手段,二者有着共同的利益基础,二者并不矛盾,应当协调配合,共同发挥环境保护的合力作用。本文分析了环境政策与环境法律协调发展的理论基础,提出在现阶段环境政策和环境法律应当并存,进而提出正确处理环境政策与环境法律的协调配合关系。     

培育健康心态,化解城管与摊贩的矛盾

在快速城镇化进程中,城市管理者与被管理者之间的矛盾冲突呈现出显性化趋势。城管与摊贩矛盾冲突产生的原因是复杂多样的,其涉及到经济、社会、法律、体制等各个方面,其中,不良的社会心态是引发两者矛盾的重要社会因素。培育宽容理性的社会心态,让每个人有尊严地生活是化解城管与摊贩矛盾冲突的社会基础。     

论摊贩存在的正当性

摊贩是指于户外的一定范围一定时间内依法经营的个体经营者。在我国,摊贩存在是否有其正当性,不同的社会群体、地区有着不同的认识。本文认为从外部性理论、公共选择理论、公民营业权理论和法律主体的层次发展理论出发都可以分析摊贩现象,为摊贩存在的正当性证成。     

群体性事件的刑法立场与处置对策

在中国社会转型过程中,群体性事件呈现多发、频发态势,极大地冲击了政府管理的基本秩序,同时对于经济发展的整体环境也造成了多维的负面影响,群体性事件的妥善处置已经成为法学理论所面临的新课题。从当下转型期群体性事件的基本发展趋势与特点来看,群体性事件的处置立场应当是在保护具有合理诉求的民众利益的同时,积极体现与发挥"刑罚刚性",有力惩治群体性事件中的恶性犯罪行为。此外,我们还应当反思与完善现有的经济政策、分配制度与法律保障措施,重塑政府公信力,进而催生一个和谐稳定的法治环境,以从根本上消弭群体性事件所隐含的社会风险。     

政策增长与法律空洞化——以经济法为例的观察

当前我国法律的空洞化现象严重。法律空洞化是指立法风格简略、粗犷,法律的完整性、周延性、精确性和普适性不足,没有实质内容,可操作性差,从而导致法律的控制力不足,法律仅剩一个空壳甚至连外壳都没有的现象。法律的空洞化问题,实质上是法律与政策的关系问题。法律工具主义是法律空洞化现象产生的思想根源。但从时代背景看,法律与政策的关系则是一个纠结在传统性、现代性和后现代性之间的一个复杂性问题。鉴于法律的空洞化和"政策之治"产生的诸多弊端,我国当前应加快向"法律主治"的转型。为此,要正确认识法律与政策的关系,坚守法律的目的价值观,树立法律精细化的理念,加强对行政机关的政策制定的法律控制,规范法律解释活动。     

略论政策与法律的关系

政策与法律的关系问题,是三十多年来我国法学界经常讨论的一个问题。最近几年,报刊上又发表了不少有关这方面的文章。有些观点大家比较接近;在某些问题上还存在着不同看法。如怎样看待政策与法律在实现无产阶级专政任务中的地位和作用,怎样看待政策与法律的区别;怎样认识政策与法律的关系;怎样处理政策与法律的矛盾等。本文仅就这些问题谈一些粗浅的看法,以与我国法学界共同研讨。     

法律与政策关系之我见

<正> 在法律与政策关系上,传统的观念是认为二者有主从之分,是政策决定法律,法律从属于政策,因而在实践中出现重政策轻法律,以政策代法律的现象,事实证明这种观点是不正确的。应该说,法律和统治阶级的政策历来是实现阶级统治的两个重要工具。在社会主义国家,政策和法律都是人民意志的体现,都是社会主义上层建筑重要组成部分,共同为自己的经济基础服务,是建设社会主义不可缺少的工具。在国家和社会生活中,它们相辅相成,相互补充,同步发展,谁也离不开谁,谁也代替不了谁。     

立法:在法律与政策之间

法律是社会秩序调整及社会正义实现的工具。立法对社会秩序的调整及社会正义的实现有着重要意义。法律的理性表现为法律的稳定性、一般性与统一性,而政策的非理性表现为政策的灵活性、特殊性与应急性。立法活动就是理性法律与非理性政策的抗争过程。理性法律与非理性政策的混淆及界分便是立法活动的难题之一,也是立法活动的主题之一。     

Self-control, risky lifestyles, and situation: The role of opportunity and context in the general theory

Gottfredson and Hirschi (1990) propose that low self-control is a cause of criminal behavior. Several recent studies showed mixed support for the theory and called for researchers to examine proximate causes that might intercede between self-control and criminality including lifestyle and the social circumstances of criminal events. Utilizing a sample of 125 homeless male street youths, this study explored how low self-control, risky lifestyles, and street youths' reactions to situations influenced their participation in a range of violent behaviors both as offenders and victims. Results revealed that certain sub-scales of low self-control influenced the way street youth react to criminal events and the likelihood that they would become an offender or victim. Lifestyle and situational dynamics of conflicts also influenced people's propensity to become involved in violence. This suggests that learned repertoires for aggression and situational dynamics can mediate the effects of low self-control.     

Slash,Shoot, Kill: Gang Recruitment of Children and the Penalties Gangs Face

Criminal street gang recruitment of minors has proliferated through countless communities in the United States as tensions continue to rise between gangs, communities, and the police. In response, many state legislatures have proposed legislation to combat such influence. However, not only are the proposed penalties too lenient, but some states do not even have laws that prosecute criminal street gang recruitment of minors. This note proposes that all 50 states enact an anti–gang recruitment statute specifically targeting recruiters of criminal street gangs by criminalizing gang recruitment of a minor.     

流浪儿童乞讨权规制的法理思考

当下中国城市有一个令人痛心的图景,那就是流浪乞讨儿童的大量存在。要从根本上保障流浪乞讨儿童的权益,就要立法禁止儿童乞讨,建立起对相关人员和机构的责任追究制度,从制度上防范儿童流浪乞讨。同时,应化解在城市生活的农村户籍儿童所面临的物质和精神层面的诸种现实难题,践行保障儿童权益的国际法基本原则。     

Truman's revenge: Social control and corporate crime

Many criminologists have found that corporate crime does more harm than street crime, whether measured by property lost, money stolen, or lives taken. Yet, public concern about crime is almost exclusively focused on street crime and “just deserts” for the offender. The authors argue that corporate criminality is more likely than individual criminality to be planned and subjected to cost/benefit analysis than street crime and therefore more likely to be deterred by raising the costs of corporate criminality. The Model Penal Code is used to demonstrate that both individual and corporate crime produce a comparable array of avoidable harms. Public policies that demand just deserts for individual offenders (natural persons) are revealed as highly inconsistent with policies that protect corporations (juristic persons) from accountability for the harms they create. A philosophical and legal foundation for corporate crime control strategies is provided. The authors propose a sanctions regime for corporate criminals comparable to the sanctions regime imposed on natural persons for street crimes. Strategies to avoid risk shifting by corporations are suggested. This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date.     

财政政策与财政法

近年来,在我国财政领域,财政政策增长很快,但财政法律却没有相应地增长。财政政策的增长可以从权利增长、风险社会等角度得到解释,但财政立法的停滞只能从法律工具主义、法律虚无主义、经典计划经济体制的家长制等方面进行解释。财政领域＂政策繁多而法律稀缺＂的弊端是很多的,它不但导致了政策的效力递减甚至失效,解决不了复杂的社会经济问题,而且还导致了人们法律意识和价值观的扭曲。因此,加强、加快财政立法,哪怕是先出台不完善、不成熟的财政立法,也胜于财政立法的缺位。在立法机关与行政机关之间进行财政权的分权和制衡,是我国财政法治建设的根本出路。     

The Historical Development of Corporate Criminal Liability

The application of criminal liability to corporations grew out of a minor common law doctrine that masters were criminally liable if their servants created a public nuisance by throwing something out of the house onto the street. The expansion of that doctrine to full corporate criminal liability was primarily the result of judicial interpretation of common law and existing statutory laws, rather than the result of any-deliberate legislative action Civil law countries, lacking the tradition of judicial interpretation, have never developed the concept of corporate criminality. Corporate criminal liability will probably continue to expand in common law countries, regardless of its merits.     

The Effects of Civil Hate Speech Laws: Lessons from Australia

This article examines the effects of hate speech laws in Australia. Triangulating data from primary and secondary sources, we examine five hypothesized effects: whether the laws provide a remedy to targets of hate speech, encourage more respectful speech, have an educative or symbolic effect, have a chilling effect, or create “martyrs.” We find the laws provide a limited remedy in the complaints mechanisms, provide a framework for direct community advocacy, and that knowledge of the laws exists in public discourse. However, the complaints mechanism imposes a significant enforcement burden on targeted communities, who still regularly experience hate speech. We find a reduction in the expression of prejudice in mediated outlets, but not on the street. We find no evidence of a chilling effect and we find the risk of free speech martyrs to be marginal. We draw out the implications of these findings for other countries.     

Street justice: a theoretical paradigm

Three theoretical perspectives examine the role of justice as a means of informal social control and as a reactionary process to dynamics of social strain and subcultural demands. This theoretical analysis is then applied to concepts of justice, including retributive, distributive, restorative, and procedural. The derived street justice paradigm incorporates these various forms of justice as they are linked with cultural imperatives associated with street culture and street crime. The linking of these concepts provides a clearer understanding of the motives and means of exacting justice in a state of heightened relative strain that is pronounced by a preference for revenge and violence. Implications for policy, future study, and theoretical expansion are discussed with particular emphasis on the application of the paradigm to non‐street crime and to policies directed toward involving community members in the justice process.     

Construction of the problem of Latin gangs in Spain and response of the law enforcement system

Recently, since their official recognition as criminal organizations by Spanish law enforcement authorities, stricter prosecution of Latin street gangs has been observed. The toughening of legal regulations, new models of police conduct and the increasingly active role of prosecutors have contributed to greater punitive pressure on the gangs. This article has two main objectives: first, to describe changes in Spanish criminal policies for the treatment of Latin American street gangs; second, to analyse to what extent these changes are in consonance with empirical findings on criminal involvement and the organizational nature of these groups. The results show that despite the recent increase in criminal activity these groups cannot be viewed as the only parties to blame for local street crime. The opinion of the law enforcement authorities that Latin American street gangs are a form of organized crime is far from reality. These groups do not have the required combination of characteristics inherent to criminal organizations, and their purposes are not always exclusively criminal.     

Looking at terrorism through left realist lenses

While terrorism has moved into the spotlight of criminological study, including critical criminology, it has yet to be thoroughly explored from a left realist perspective. Left realism addresses four aspects of crime: causes of offending, impact on the victims, and both official and public responses to crime. A left realist approach to terrorism would argue that similar to those who engage in street crimes, many terrorists are socially or economically disenfranchised young men who become involved in terrorism through connections with similarly situated members of the fringe population, and “get tough” policies on terrorism will backfire. Four propositions of left realist theory organized by DeKeseredy and colleagues are presented and addressed through the extant literature, which offers partial support for a left realist explanation of terrorism.