关于劳动和劳动价值论的再认识

马克思关于劳动和劳动价值论的等思想,对于我们认识今天中国的现实仍有现实意义,我们要结合新的现实深化对劳动和劳动价值论的认识。     

对马克思劳动价值论的再认识

包括劳动价值论在内的马克思的全部价值理论是前后贯通的,马克思预见到机器大工业和科技进步条件下价值源泉改变的历史趋势;对劳动价值论、特别是价值规律的绝对化、简单化和夸大的理解,源于以往教条主义的学风;我们应该全面把握马克思价值理论的主要观点,因为深化对社会主义社会劳动和劳动价值理论的研究和认识需要科学理论的指导.     

在实践中深化对劳动价值理论的认识

一百多年前,马克思创立了劳动价值论,随着人类社会发展,特别是新的科技革命和知识经济的蓬勃发展,需要我 们结合现实深化对马克思劳动价值理论的研究:对生产劳动创造价值的深入理解;把科技工作和经营管理作为劳动重要形 式的认识;客观评价不同生产要素在价值形成中的作用;正确理解按劳分配和按生产要素分配。     

坚持与发展劳动价值论的几个重要问题

深化对劳动和劳动价值理论的研究和认识面临两个重要任务,一个是捍卫和发展马克思的劳动价值论,另一个是发展我国社会主义市场经济。以此为出发点,我们在展开研究的时候,首先要搞清楚什么是必须坚持的、不能动摇的劳动价值论的精髓,什么是过去被曲解了而现在应该恢复其原意的观点,还有什么是应该根据时代的发展而向前发展的理论。对此,本文就几个相互关联的重要问题简要地谈点认识。     

深化对劳动和劳动价值论的认识

新技术革命和知识经济的蓬勃发展，需要深化对劳动和劳动价值论的认识。为此，要拓宽劳动范畴的内涵和外延，拓宽生产劳动者的概念，更新价值创造的观念。深化对劳动和劳动价值论认识有主要的理论和现实意义。     

深化对劳动和劳动价值论的认积

新技术革命和知识经济的蓬勃发展,需要深化对劳动和劳动价值论的认识.为此,要拓宽劳动范畴的内涵和外延,拓宽生产劳动者的概念,更新价值创造的观念.深化对劳动和劳动价值论认识有主要的理论和现实意义.     

以创新的劳动价值论为基础新要素分配理论

长期以来的理论和实践的探索表明,马克思的价值理论及其分配理论面临挑战,亟待创新,而且不是简单的修补,必须有大的突破.创新马克思价值理论的关键在于突破对马克思劳动范畴的认识,突破了对劳动范畴的认识,劳动价值论的创新就成为必然.创新的劳动价值论重新揭示了劳动、资本、土地等要素在价值创造中的地位和作用,从而为建立新要素分配理论提供了理论依据.     

新时期关于深化马克思主义劳动价值论的若干思考

党中央提出要在新的历史条件下深化对劳动和劳动价值论的认识,但是学术界在讨论中,出现了借深化为名,行否定和扭曲之实的不良倾向。我们认为,劳动价值论在今天市场经济的条件下依然是科学的,但我们需要从以下三个方面出发加以坚持和发展:科学看待社会主义条件下私营企业主的管理劳动问题,大力发展服务劳动价值论,正确发挥劳动价值论在收入分配领域中的指导作用。     

流通领域价值的决定及其讨价还价模型

传统经济学把流通领域的一切劳动都视为非生产劳动,通过深化劳动价值论的认识和重新解读马克思的劳动价值论,承认流通领域的部分劳动也是创造价值的生产劳动。但是,纯粹流通过程,即在交换过程中如何坚持劳动价值论仍然是一个重大的理论难题。在考虑流通的情况下,一方面存在历史时间价值的作用,另一方面存在机会成本的作用。消费者在自己生产的个别劳动时间价值(最高购买价格)和先进企业生产者的个别劳动时间价值(最低售价)之间讨价还价,形成讨价还价模型。通过讨价还价,使其通过交易换得的价值比自己生产的价值量要多,实现交换的劳动节约,从而把劳动价值论贯彻到底。     

对深化劳动和劳动价值论研究的思考

劳动和劳动价值论是马克思主义经济理论的重要组成部分。随着时代的进步和历史的发展 ,我们既要完整地认识理解马克思主义的劳动和劳动价值论 ,充分肯定其伟大的理论价值和深远的历史意义 ,又要面对科技、经济、社会的发展变化 ,结合新的实际 ,不断深化对社会主义劳动和劳动价值论的研究 ,进行理论创新 ,推动改革开放事业向纵深发展。     

有关劳动和劳动价值论的两点思考

究竟是什么样的劳动在创造价值 ?作为生产要素应不应该参与价值分配 ?这是深化对劳动和劳动价值论的认识必须搞清楚的问题。有关这方面的探讨促进着理论的发展 ,更有着重要的现实意义。     

New Labour

Abstract

This paper examines the use made by political parties of branding, as a means of establishing party values and winning political support. It looks in particular at the way in which political parties use communication to create, build and maintain political brands.

The paper involves an examination of the recent history of the British Labour Party. After a long period in the political wilderness, the party re-branded itself as “New Labour” in the mid-1990s, and-as New Labour-swept to power in a landslide election victory in 1997, under their new leader, Tony Blair.

Using media coverage and material written by some of the architects of New Labour, the paper will describe the creation of the “New Labour” brand, and look at how it was developed and used to generate political support. The paper will also consider the evolution and development of the brand, as the substance underlying the stated brand values has come to be questioned, not least by so-called “Old Labour” supporters of the party.

The paper will draw conclusions regarding the successful management of a political brand, pointing in particular at the need to ensure that the performance of a party espousing a particular brand supports and reinforces communicated brand values and the brand itself.     

Images of Labour

Abstract

This paper looks at the continuities and changes in the nature of election campaigns in Britain since 1900 by focusing on the way campaigning has changed and become more professional and marketing driven. The piece discusses the ramifications of these developments in relation to the Labour Party's ideological response to mass communication and the role now played by external media in the internal affairs of this organisation. The paper also seeks to assess how campaigns have historically developed in a country with an almost continuous, century long cycle of elections.     

New Labour Legacy: Comparing the Labour Governments of Blair and Brown to Labour Governments since 1945

The election of the Conservative–Liberal coalition in May 2010 provides the opportunity to start to map out the record of the Labour governments between 1997 and 2010. This paper deals with the specific question how the Brown/Blair governments performed on public expenditures when compared to the records of UK Labour governments since 1945. Did the public expenditure record of the 1997 represent a departure from that of previous Labour governments? This is important to ascertain since there are strongly held beliefs that New Labour was not committed to Labour's historic commitments of income redistribution and universal benefits. The analysis that follows is constructed around five major public expenditure programmes that reflect Labour's priorities. These include total expenditure, expenditure on health, education, housing and social security.     

From Old Labour to New Labour: A Comment on Rubinstein

In a critique of our book New Labour, David Rubinstein has argued that we exaggerate the degree of difference between Old and New Labour and underplay the similarities. In this article we agree with many of the continuities that Rubinstein outlines. However, we argue that he himself gives plenty of evidence in favour of our thesis that change has been marked in many policy areas. We argue that we give a good account of the wider social factors that he says accounts for such change. In this article we offer a restatement of the view that New Labour offers a 'post-Thatcherite' politics. New Labour breaks both with post-war social democracy and with Thatcherism.