生态马克思主义的理论价值与当代意义

生态马克思主义从许多方面发展了马克思主义理论:生态马克思主义是当代马克思主义的新发展,在生产力与生产关系方面的论述发展了马克思主义理论,纠正了传统社会主义与市场经济不相容的错误看法,等等。生态马克思主义把生态理论与马克思主义理论相结合,对以往绿色环保理论实现了超越。生态马克思主义对于今天我们建设中国特色社会主义生态文明具有重要启示。     

江泽民对人的全面发展理论的贡献

人的全面发展是马克思主义的一个重要理论,江泽民同志在“七一”讲话中对人的全面发展理论的论述,是在建社会主义新社会的伟大历史时期,对马克思主义人的全面发展理论的创造性运用,是对邓小平社会主义本质理论的新展,标志着我党对人的全面发展理论认识的新飞跃。摘要:人的全面发展是马克思主义的一个重要理论,江泽民同志在“七一”讲话中对人的全面发展理论的论述,是在建设社会主义新社会的伟大历史时期,对马克思主义人的全面发展理论的创造性运用,是对邓小平社会主义本质理论的新发展,标志着我党对人的全面发展理论认识的新飞跃。     

改革也是解放生产力

中央领导同志最近指出:“革命是解放生产力,改革也是解放生产力。”这是对马克思理论的新发展,是三中全会以来中国改革开放实践经验的理性升华,是中国抓住机遇,发展主义自己,使经济建设跨上新台阶的行动指南。深刻理解“改革也是解放力”的内涵,对于建设有中国特色的社会主义,具有重要的理论价值和实践意义。一、马克思主义理论的新发展马克思主义经典作家,对社会主义社会的改革与发展,有过许多重要的论述。概括起来,有以下几方面的重要内容:第一,指出社会主义社会是一个改革的社会。恩格斯指出“所谓‘社会主义社会’,不     

江泽民对人的全面发展现论的贡献

人的全面发展是马克思主义的一个重要理论,江泽民同志在"七一"讲话中时人的全面发展理论的论述,是在建设社会主义新社会的伟大历史时期,时马克思主义人的全面发展理论的创造性运用,是对邓小平社会主义本质理论的新发展,标志着我党对人的全面发展理论认识的新飞跃.     

和谐社会理论:社会主义观的深化与发展

构建社会主义和谐社会理论是马克思主义社会发展理论的新阶段,是中国共产党人不断探索社会主义建设取得的认识新成果,它在社会主义本质观、社会主义制度观、社会主义政治保证观、社会主义战略布局观和社会主义建设规律观等方面进一步深化与发展了我党已经形成的社会主义观。     

试论建设有中国特色社会主义理论的学说构成

在具有里程碑意义的党的第14次全国代表大会上,确立了建设有中国特色的社会主义理论为全党的指导思想,这一理论被誉之为“当代中国的马克思主义”。它运用马克思主义的立场、观点、方法第一次系统地回答了当今中国建设社会主义面临的一系列重大课题,既坚持了马克思主义,又从多方面发展了马克思主义。这种发展,突出表现在从学说构成上扩展了马克思主义的组成部分。同时,还在各组成部分的理论内容上,有许多新思想、新观点,从而使多代的马克思主义理论体系和内容,都更为完备和富有时代特色。     

改革开放四次大争论与马克思主义中国化

改革开放以来所形成的马克思主义中国化的新成果即中国特色社会主义理论体系的形成与改革开放过程中的四次大争论密不可分.马克思主义中国化的每一阶段的理论成果无不是社会各界围绕着探索和回答什么是马克思主义,什么是社会主义、怎样建设社会主义,建设什么样的党、怎样建设党,实现什么样的发展、怎样发展等重大理论与实践问题而展开的思想理论交锋、争论的结果.改革开放四次大争论是马克思主义中国化重要的社会资源,它见证了马克思主义中国化的历史进程,并对马克思主义中国化的新发展发挥了重要的作用.     

论中国特色社会主义科学发展理论的丰富和发展

进入21世纪以后,面对改革开放的新情况和社会发展凸显的新问题,党中央结合中国特色社会主义事业实践,响应新的时代实践,与时俱进,创造性地运用马克思主义,不断推动马克思主义中国化,形成了以科学发展观为基本内核的中国特色社会主义科学发展理论,丰富和发展了马克思主义。     

在新的历史条件下丰富和发展马克思主义

在新的历史条件下，当代资本主义的新变化、现实社会主义的变化、经济全球化、世界新技术革命、我国的改革开放和现代化建设等方面向马克思主义提出了许多新的研究课题。马克思主义既面临着严重挑战。又面临着极好的发展机遇。我们要在研究这些课题的过程中丰富和发展马克思主义。对马克思主义进行理论创新。是十分严肃、十分艰巨的工作，不能把它简单化、庸俗化。     

习近平生态文明思想的理论创新

习近平生态文明思想是马克思主义生态理论与中国新时代实践相结合的最新理论成果,在理论创新上有五层意蕴:提出人民日益增长的优美生态环境需要,丰富了社会主要矛盾学说;对人与自然关系提出了新理念,拓展了"两个和解"理论;赋予社会主义现代化新内涵,创新了社会主义现代化理论;为马克思主义政治经济学提供了新内容,创新了社会主义发展理论;在民生问题上提出了新论断,创新丰富了社会主义民生理论。系统梳理习近平生态文明思想创新性理论,对深化研究习近平生态文明思想和建设美丽中国具有重大的理论和现实意义。     

The shaping of collective values through deliberative democracy: An empirical study from New York's North Country

Participatory planning and policy analysis has gained increasing attention in recent years because of its potential to improve the knowledge base for policy design (substantive benefits), increase the likelihood of stakeholder compliance and support (instrumental benefits), and strengthen the democratic legitimacy of public policies (normative benefits). Deliberation among stakeholders is considered essential for participatory policy analysis, representing a democratic process for clarifying the particular as well as the collective goals and values as well as the potential impacts of alternative policies. This study examines the effects of democratic deliberation on participants' viewpoints of the policy domain (the local food system), based on two-and-a-half day participatory planning events in each of six rural counties in northern New York. Participant viewpoints were assessed several weeks before and after these events, using Q methodology. The results reveal three major viewpoints, representing concerns for social justice, the viability of conventional agriculture, and the potential environmental and social externalities associated with conventional agriculture. The substance of these viewpoints remain unchanged before and after the deliberative events, but the salience of the conventional agriculture viewpoint increased and the salience of the social justice and alternative agriculture viewpoints decreased significantly, even among those participants who most clearly defined the latter two viewpoints. These findings, together with an analysis of the action agendas emerging from these planning events, suggest that local deliberative processes may produce outcomes that are neither fair nor efficient and that reflect the values and interests of certain stakeholders more than others, even in the absence of overt conflict. Moreover, it appears that such processes may cause some participants to alter their viewpoints in ways that appear contrary to their values and interests as expressed prior to the deliberative event. The implications for participatory policy analysis are explored.     

Citizen viewpoints on energy policy

This exploration of citizen viewpoints on energy policy uses a clustering technique to analyze 101 Q-sorts obtained from a diverse national sample in April 1979.The results indicate an approximate consensus. The predominant themes in the core viewpoint and three peripheral variations are resistance to energy price increases and concern for public health, safety, and the environment, particularly in connection with nuclear power plants. There is also widespread distrust of the oil and gas industry, local utilities, the President, government generally, and energy experts, coupled with disbelief, distrust, disaffection, and undertones of moral outrage. The existence of this approximate consensus is less surprising than the absence of shared viewpoints that are independent or opposed to it. Individual interpretations of the main themes are explored through unstructured, follow-up interviews with the best representatives of the core viewpoint.The evolution of shared viewpoints has been shaped by specific events such as Three Mile Island and by recurring events, particularly chronic energy price increases and intermittent shortages, and the ongoing national debate on energy policy. In our interpretation, the social tension and personal insecurities accumulated as a result of the energy situation are potentially destabilizing. H owever, the potential for rapid change in citizen viewpoints has so far been blocked by perceptual and political rigidities that underlie an approximate stalemate in Washington.The concluding section presents some suggestions for dealing with the perceptual, political, and moral aspects of the situation.We would like to thank Gerald A. Cole for his contributions to the initial phases of this study, and The University of Michigan for financial support. An earlier version of this paper was presented at the 25th Annual Meeting of the American Nuclear Society, June 5, 1979, in Atlanta.     

官僚制批判研究的新视角——一个文献述评

官僚制批判研究的视角并不统一，根据学科发展的前沿成果来回顾这一公共行政的核心问题，旨在厘清混沌、深化对基本概念的认识。学科式类型化能够凸显表象背后的理论价值，就对理想型官僚体制的批评和反思而言，后现代哲学、政策分析以及公共管理学等视角是公共行政学演进的最新成果。每一个学科视角在研究路径、兴趣焦点、学术事件、核心思想与学术贡献等方面存有各自的回答，尤其是多元的研究方法，即解构哲学、角色互动理论和新管理主义，使得对同一议题的争论呈现不同特色。基于学科最新知识的批判性研究，在不断修正理性官僚制局限的基础上，深化了社会科学对基本组织现象的理解和解释能力，为体察和审视政治、经济与社会领域的基本问题提供了富有启发性的理论结构。     

Reflective political reasoning: Political disagreement and empathy

As political polarization increases across many of the world's established democracies, many citizens are unwilling to appreciate and consider the viewpoints of those who disagree with them. Previous research shows that this lack of reflection can undermine democratic accountability. The purpose of this paper is to study whether empathy for the other can motivate people to reason reflectively about politics. Extant studies have largely studied trait-level differences in the ability and inclination of individuals to engage in reflection. Most of these studies focus on observational moderators, which makes it difficult to make strong claims about the effects of being in a reflective state on political decision making. We extend this research by using a survey experiment with a large and heterogeneous sample of UK citizens (N = 2014) to investigate whether a simple empathy intervention can induce people to consider opposing viewpoints and incorporate those views in their opinion about a pressing political issue. We find that actively imagining the feelings and thoughts of someone one disagrees with prompts more reflection in the way that people reason about political issues as well as elicits empathic feelings of concern towards those with opposing viewpoints. We further examine whether empathy facilitates openness to attitude change in the counter-attitudinal direction and find that exposure to an opposing perspective (without its empathy component) per se is enough to prompt attitude change. Our study paints a more nuanced picture of the relationship between empathy, reflection and policy attitudes.     

恩格斯晚年对马克思主义法学的新贡献

从法学角度看,恩格斯晚年创造性地运用历史唯物主义的立场和方法,巩固和发展了历史唯物主义法学理论。恩格斯系统阐发了国家和法的起源与演进理论,批判了费尔巴哈唯心主义历史观和黑格尔唯心主义法哲学,进一步阐发了历史发展的内在辩证法;根据欧洲的新形势,恩格斯主张工人阶级要将合法斗争与“非法”斗争相结合;结合巴黎公社经验,他阐述了无产阶级新型国家和法制的基本原理,反对国家崇拜;在一系列通信中,他深入阐发了法和国家对经济关系的积极反作用和相对独立性理论,批驳了社会发展的“唯经济论”。恩格斯一系列法哲学新观点,对于当今时代深入理解法与经济的关系、法的历史发展规律、法的本质及功能、法律意识形态等问题,都依然具有极为重要的指导意义。     

Commentary: The Third Wave of McCarthyism: Co-opting the Language of Inclusivity

In 1967, the burgeoning discontent of many political scientists culminated in the establishment of the Caucus for a New Political Science. The Caucus included political scientists of many diverse viewpoints, but it was united methodologically by a critique of behavioralism and by the idea that political science should abandon the myth of a value-free science. In recent years, political scientists have authored numerous commentaries on “the tragedy” of political science, “the crisis” in political science, and “the flight from reality in political science,” while in 2000 these discontents resurfaced in the “perestroika” rebellion, which again denounced the American Political Science Association as an organization that promotes a “narrow parochialism and methodological bias toward the quantitative, behavioral, rational choice, statistical, and formal modeling approaches.” This paper reviews the intellectual origins of New Political Science by examining some of the major works of the late 1960s and early 1970s purporting to establish the foundations of a new political science. It concludes that new political science offers a methodological critique of behaviorialism and a sociological critique of the relationship between political science and political power, but there is no consensus on what constitutes a new political science beyond its critical stance toward the existing discipline.     

The consequential Nationalist–Globalist policy divide in contemporary Britain: some initial analyses

The verdict delivered by voters in the 2015 and 2017 British General Elections and the European Union Referendum surprised pollsters, pundits, the media, and even the victors. Political choices representative of Globalist outlooks saw defeat at the polls. Liberal Democratic support was below 10% and voting to remain in the EU underperformed predictions. Empirical analyses demonstrate that there is a Nationalist–Globalist policy divide, partially rooted in demographics and authoritarian predispositions, which go beyond traditional valence factors in explaining the recent choices of the British electorate. Moreover, this outlook influences how satisfied citizens are with the way democracy works in Britain. Nationalist viewpoints, when juxtaposed against Globalist outlooks, are salient in a way they were not during the height of Thatcherism, encompass left–right economic concerns and may portend a new era in British political culture.     

Human–elephant interaction: Community perspectives on conflict mitigation and conservation mechanisms

The instances of human–elephant conflict (HEC) are becoming pervasive in elephant range areas across the globe. One of the primary reasons is the exclusion and under-representation of local communities in the planning and implementation of mitigation strategies. However, engaging with local communities and considering their viewpoints are vital for the success of conflict mitigation and conservation efforts. This qualitative study was undertaken to gain a reasonably comprehensive understanding of the local community's perspectives concerning elephants in the Balasore district of Odisha, a state along the Eastern coast of India. Qualitative data obtained primarily through focus group discussions were analyzed using MAXQDA 2020 to perform thematic analysis of participants' narratives. Six common themes emerged from the study: exposure and experiences with elephants, the efficacy of deterrents, compassionate payment provisions, reasons for tolerance, and expectations. Attempts were made to understand the community viewpoints and offer implementable recommendations to improve human–elephant interactions by adopting more inclusive and participatory conservation practices.     

马克思主义是在自我革命过程中发展的

马克思、恩格斯是彻底的革命者,他们不仅无情地批判资产阶级意识形态和各种机会主义观点,而且具有自我革命、自我批判精神,不断随着时代的变化、科学的进步、实践的发展克服自己理论的时代局限性和历史局限性,开拓自己理论发展的新境界,把自己的理论提到新的高度。以"从无产阶级同时解放全人类,到首先解放自己然后解放全人类""从劳动的价值到劳动力的价值"和"从认为东方不存在土地私有制到承认东方存在土地私有制"三次观点演进的过程发展为例,深入文献考证,可具体说明马克思、恩格斯是如何克服自己理论上的旧观点、旧概念、旧表达形式从而把自己的理论推向前进的。     

Understanding participant perspectives: Q‐methodology in national forest management

Many policy practitioners and theorists have argued that value‐free, objective solutions to policy problems do not exist. While participant values and subjective viewpoints influence policy problems, empirically determining participant perspectives and preferences has been a daunting task. This paper demonstrates how Q‐methodology, a technique for systematically revealing subjective perspectives, can contribute to better problem identification and definition; estimation and specification of policy option; and selection, implementation, and evaluation of policies. Two case studies in national forest management are reviewed and demonstrate how Q‐methodology can (1) identify important internal and external constituencies, (2) define participant viewpoints and perceptions, (3) provide sharper insight into participant‐preferred management directions, (4) identify criteria that are important to participants, (5) explicitly outline areas of consensus and conflict, and (6) develop a common view toward the policy. © 1999 by the Association for Public Policy Analysis and Management.