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1.
随着我国经济的不断发展,改革开放的不断深入,农村大量剩余劳动力向城市转移.然而,在为城市发展作出贡献的同时,从农村大量涌入城市的农民工又给城市的发展敲响了警钟,农民工犯罪问题已成为新的隐患.本文对农民工犯罪的基本特点作了归纳,分析了农民工犯罪的社会原因和个体原因,从完善立法、加强执法、完善各项制度和提高农民工素质等方面提出了解决农民工犯罪的相关对策.  相似文献   

2.
农民工是城市中的特殊群体,他们在城市发展中扮演着非常重要的角色,但由于受制度歧视,社会保障机制不完善,导致出现农民工犯罪问题。本文从构建和谐社会的角度思考,通过对农民工犯罪心理的分析,剖析引发农民工犯罪的主要原因,借用文化冲突理论,从社会、政府等角度来思考预防农民工犯罪的对策,以维护社会稳定,构建社会主义和谐社会。  相似文献   

3.
2010年2月1日,中央一号文件首次明确提出"新生代农民工"的概念,旨在当今现实条件下努力促进新生代农民工的市民化。改革开放至今,农民工已步入第二代,即"新生代农民工",他们在促进城市经济发展过程中发挥了重要作用,但新生代农民工犯罪问题也成了社会的顽疾。本文在研究这一群体特点、犯罪情况的基础上,从社会根源、社会原因以及个人因素等方面进行综合分析,在社会不公平竞争视角下对新生代农民工犯罪生存空间进行探索,研究不公平竞争与其犯罪的关联,以期发展三元协调促进的防控理论,并寻求消除不公平竞争机制,铲除新生代农民工犯罪土壤的对策。  相似文献   

4.
农民工是社会的弱势群体,这个特殊的群体逐渐成了城市犯罪的高发人群,他们犯罪的原因有个人因素也有社会因素,农民工犯罪问题的解决有待于全社会的共同努力。本文旨在分析农民工犯罪问题,以期对促进和谐社会的构建有所裨益。  相似文献   

5.
在为城市发展作出杰出贡献的同时,农民工的犯罪问题日益突出。农民工犯罪按照其动机可以分为两类,私力救济式农民工犯罪和对他人利益侵害式犯罪。私力救济式农民工犯罪,是农民工在合法维权未果的情况下采取的一种特殊的极端的维权方式。本文试图从社会资本社会信任角度分析此类犯罪的原因。并提出农民工维权的政策性建议。  相似文献   

6.
农民工是社会转型过程中我国城市社会的一个特殊群体。由于经济、社会等方面的原因,他们成为当前城市社会各种犯罪活动的重要一族。本文试图在构建和谐社会的视域下,从犯罪社会学的角度,对农民工犯罪的特点、成因进行粗浅的宏观分析。  相似文献   

7.
我国城市化进程急剧加快,大量的农村人口向城市蜂拥而至,加剧了城市务工人员和城市的真正迎接力之间的矛盾,农民工强烈的城市化诉求受到阻碍,是诱发农民工犯罪的主要原因。关注新时代农民工的城市化诉求,可以有效预防新时代农民工犯罪。  相似文献   

8.
农民工在对城市建设作出巨大贡献的同时,对城市社会秩序也带来了极大的挑战。各方面的因素共同导致农民工犯罪,其中有农民工生存状况恶劣,有各种对农民工的不平等现象,城市的歧视、社会管理及法律调控的不足等等。针对导致农民工犯罪的各种因素,我们应切实保障农民工的合法权益、平等对待农民工、丢掉团体排外的思想、全面落实社会治安综合治理各项措施等等,以期降低农民工犯罪率。  相似文献   

9.
农民工是转型期中国城市社会的一个特殊群体。由于经济、社会和管理等方面的原因,他们成了当前城市社会各种犯罪活动的重要一支。伴随着民工潮的涌现,日趋上升的民工犯罪也引起了社会的广泛关注。本文试拟通过对民工犯罪的分析,就此类犯罪的防范提出对策。  相似文献   

10.
薄敏  陈琦 《法制与社会》2013,(30):286-287
农民工犯罪是我国当前社会面临的突出问题,严重影响着社会的和谐与稳定。本文拟从需求层次理论的内容为出发点,结合社会实际,逐层分析城市中常见的农民工犯罪的原因,以期能对此类犯罪预防提供理论依据。  相似文献   

11.
Although major mental disorders do not have a central position in many criminological theories, there seems to be an evident relationship between these disorders and criminal behavior. In daily practice police officers and mental health care workers work jointly to prevent nuisance and crime and to keep the city livable. Examining the situations where the criminal justice system and mental health institutes are jointly involved to prevent crime, some pitfalls emerge that seem to threaten successful cooperation. There appear to be unrealistic expectations of the possibility to reduce the risk of reoffending by means of treatment and of the possibility to predict which offender poses a risk to society. Another complexity is the fact that both parties work from different backgrounds and pursue different goals. The way society and the criminal justice system deal with persons who are assumed to be a risk to the community because of a mental disorder demands a further investigation from a criminological perspective.  相似文献   

12.
中日共犯问题比较研究概说   总被引:7,自引:0,他引:7  
李洁 《现代法学》2005,27(3):108-114
共同犯罪作为一种对社会危害显著的社会法律现象,历来都是各国立法、司法和理论界关注的重心之一。对于如何界定共同犯罪的成立条件,如何处罚共同犯罪中的参与者,各国立法和理论各不相同。基于社会危害性这一犯罪观,我国共犯制度的设定目的是要解决多人共同实行某种刑法所规定的犯罪行为时,将哪些参与者作为犯罪人,在犯罪中所起作用不同的行为人,如何使其承担与其地位与作用相当的刑事责任问题;日本共犯制度设定则以“构成要件”为中心,重视共犯与正犯的区别,如何解决共犯者的犯罪成立条件是其核心课题。这种不同取决于两国刑法所选择的价值取向上的不同,我国的共犯制度倾向于保护价值,而日本倾向于保障人权。  相似文献   

13.
Moran  Leslie J. 《Law and Critique》2001,12(3):331-344
Various scholars have noted the priority given to law in the politics of hate violence; violence is the problem and law, more specifically the criminal law, the solution at the ‘heart’ of society. This article seeks to explore some of the gaps and silences in the existing literature and politics that mobilize these ideas and associations. It is the gap sand silences associated with demands for and expectations of criminal justice that will be the particular concern of this article. The demand for law is examined by way of David Garland's recent work on the culture of crime control. His work offers an analysis of the contemporary place of crime control in Anglo-American liberal democracies. A distinctive feature of his analysis is to be found in the way it maps an important paradox of contemporary crime control; its political centrality and an increasing recognition of its limitations. Garland's ‘criminology of the self’ and the ‘criminology of the other’ raise some important challenges for those who advocate resort to crime control. My particular concern is to consider the significance of Garland's work for a contemporary sexual politics that puts violence and criminal justice at the heart of that politics. Feminist, gay and lesbian scholarship first on criminal justice and second, on violence and law will be used to develop a critical dialogue with Garland's analysis and to reflect upon the challenges raised by his insights into contemporary crime control. This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date.  相似文献   

14.
王锐 《行政与法》2014,(1):109-114
转型期的中国各种社会矛盾十分突出,刑事犯罪呈动态化和复杂化态势,其中新生代农民犯罪问题备受社会关注.闲散青少年群体、有不良行为或严重不良行为的青少年群体、流浪乞讨青少年群体、服刑在教人员的未成年子女群体、农村留守儿童群体被列为五类重点青少年群体,如何促使其市民化是防控青少年犯罪的关键点.本文拟就青少年犯罪尤其是“新生代农民”违法犯罪问题进行社会归因研究,结合犯罪心理学、社会学、治安管理学等理论,就防控青少年犯罪以及如何促使其顺利完成城市社会化等问题进行探讨.  相似文献   

15.
城镇化进程中的政治与经济问题对城市犯罪的影响   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
城镇化是人类社会现代化的必然趋势。但是,城镇化进程中产生的各种城市问题却对城市的生存与发展造成了诸多困扰。城市问题是城市犯罪孕育、发生和发展的温床,从整体层面上研究城市问题对犯罪的影响具有重要的现实意义。在所有的城市问题中,城市政治问题和经济问题是两种主要的"城市病",而且二者之间联系密切、关系复杂,其互动效应与联动效应对城市社会治安大环境的形成,对城市犯罪问题的衍变,对犯罪行为的主体与受体的塑造等,都有十分深刻的影响。建国后我国城市犯罪在政治与经济问题的综合影响下,曾形成了4个犯罪高峰期,目前仍居高不下。  相似文献   

16.
This article documents a government-led strategy to more closely integrate policing with community-based ‘crime prevention’ programming in the city of Winnipeg, Manitoba, Canada. These initiatives have targeted neighborhoods with large Indigenous populations. In this article I illustrate how community-level conflicts over responses to ‘crime’ are also sites of settler colonial conflict, and how settler colonial governance is reproduced and resisted through the governance of crime. Interviews with politicians, policy-makers, bureaucrats in the crime prevention branch of the provincial government, and directors and employees at community-based organizations suggest that the pursuit of the government strategy of integrated crime prevention and suppression has been more a project of attempting to ‘manage’ urban Indigenous people than serve their interests. As a contribution to abolitionist thought and theory, this article profiles sites of conflict between community police and community-based organizations over definitions of the ‘crime’ problem in city-center Winnipeg. These examples highlight a kinship between carceral abolitionist and decolonial politics.  相似文献   

17.
农民工问题的核心在于农民工的生存权和发展权问题。具体到法学语境考察,承认并正视农民工承受的不平等待遇,挖掘出农民工权益缺失的深层原因,以富有人文价值的法律来保障当代中国农民工的平等权利,乃是中国社会全面进步和稳定和谐之关键所在,亦系亿万农民工福祉所求。  相似文献   

18.
杨德敏 《行政与法》2004,(10):85-86
城市农民工是城市中的特殊群体,他们在城市发展中扮演着非常重要的角色。但由于受制度歧视,社会保障机制不完善,导致失业严重,加之自身素质低下,造成城市农民工的犯罪活动频繁发生,并以侵财型、犯罪数额少、季节性和团伙性为主要特征,这势必会影响到社会稳定。只有政府转变观念,消除制度歧视,建立涵盖城市农民工的社会保障体系;严格劳动法律法规的实施;加强农民工教育。这样,才能改善农民工的社会地位及生存状况,才能从根本上抑制农民工犯罪。  相似文献   

19.
This paper investigates whether and why the poor are more exposed to property crime than are the non‐poor, despite the reasonable assumption that poor people lack or have little valuable property that can be stolen. If poor people are more exposed to property crime than those who are not poor, there are needs for explanations. The paper investigates two plausible reasons: the significance of the neighbourhood character and routine activities. The results in the paper indicates that poor people are more exposed to property crimes related to the residence, independent of neighbourhood character and routine activities, while exposure to property crimes related to vehicles depends more on the family situation and age than on poverty per se. When it comes to other kinds of property crime, poor people do not seem to be more exposed than do the nonpoor. That poor people are more exposed to property crime related to their residence, and that there are problem areas explaining why, is worrisome. Those who are poor are often vulnerable to other social problems that tend to exclude them from ordinary living patterns. To find out the relation between poverty and exposure to property crimes related to residence is of importance for crime prevention and probably an important step to prevent those who are poor from being further excluded from society.  相似文献   

20.
Although the governments of the United States and Japan differ markedly in racial ideology, official crime statistics in both nations reflect political arrangements which marginalize minority populations. In both nations, official crime statistics reveal more about the attempts of majority populations to label minority populations as a criminal class than about variations in criminal behavior across racial populations. While there is no racially pure Black population in the United States, there is a “black” category within official statistics, and the statistics are used to justify crime control policies which have a disparate impact on the diverse peoples who are socially‐perceived as Black. While there are undeniably non‐Japanese populations in Japan, there are no racial categories for them in official statistics which define them out of existence; except where crime statistics are concerned, so that the police can monitor the criminality of “foreigners.” In both societies, official categorization of race in crime statistics implies that crime is a minority problem; government statistics reinforce official ideology that crimes by “foreigners” and “black violence” are the real threats to civil society.  相似文献   

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