泰南四府民族问题的历史进程

近年来 ,随着第三波世界民族主义浪潮的兴起、1997年东亚金融危机的爆发和世界反恐怖主义战争引起的连锁反应 ,在20世纪80年代曾一度沉寂的泰南四府局势也发生了一些动荡。为进一步研究泰南四府民族问题 ,有必要首先理清该问题的历史发展状况。本文即对该主题进行一些初步探讨。一、北大年王国与泰王国的关系泰国国土最南端靠近马来西亚的北大年、也拉、陶公和沙敦四府 ,在古代曾是一个由穆斯林马来人统治的独立国家 ,即北大年苏丹国。由于缺乏可信资料 ,北大年王国的建立和伊斯兰教的传入时间均尚无定论。一般以公元1500年作为北大年王国的…     

泰国南部动乱的来龙去脉

泰国南部的沙墩、北大年、陶公、也拉、宋卡等5府为穆斯林聚居区,70％以上的居民具有马来血统,信奉伊斯兰教。泰南5府的分离主义运动由来已久。早在20世纪60—70年代,泰南穆斯林的分离势力就不断搞暴力活动,他们纵火、袭击火车、暗杀政府官员、警察及佛教徒,在公共场所放置炸弹     

泰国政府与泰南穆斯林马来人的关系

泰南穆斯林马来人概况在泰国南部边疆的也拉、那拉特约、北大年和沙敦四府中,居住着约一百万马来人。他们讲马来语的一种方言,信伊斯兰教,与毗邻的马来西亚的马来族具有共同的历史渊源和文化特征。他们与泰国的主体民族——讲泰语、信佛教的泰族在政治上经济上有紧密联系,但文化历史方面的共同性较少。     

东南亚伊斯兰势力现状

公元7、8世纪,随着阿拉伯商人来到东南亚海岸,逊尼派伊斯兰教在东南亚传播开来,并成为一些国家的国教。目前东南亚10国都有穆斯林族群,其中在马来西亚、印度尼西亚、文莱属主体族群,在其他国家均为少数族群。随着1979年伊朗发生伊斯兰革命以及80年代初伊斯兰复兴运动在中亚一些国家、尤其是在阿富汗开始立足,对“伊斯兰认同”及其价值观的重新认知与肯定浪潮波及东南亚,于是清真寺、宗教学校和宗教项目如雨后春笋般增多,伊斯兰书刊、报纸有了巨大的需求市场,尤其是马来西亚、印尼、菲律宾、泰国伊斯兰势力不断发展。1997年亚洲金融危机后,这些国家的伊斯兰极端势力更是发     

泰南穆斯林分离运动与“马来西亚因素”浅析

对泰国历届政府而言,南部四府不仅是一个有200多万穆斯林聚居的地理概念,更是一个糅合了政治、经济、民族、宗教和社会矛盾的棘手难题。泰南穆斯林分离运动有其深刻的历史背景和社会根源。在研究泰南穆斯林分离运动时,一个无法回避的重要因素——"马来西亚因素",不应该被轻描淡写,更不应该被忽略。     

印度教派民族主义析论

在西方殖民统治的处境下,并受到西方意识形态的影响,印度在十九世纪实现了一场民族意识的自我认同与确证。基于历史、宗教、种姓等方面原因,印度民族主义具有独特而复杂的特征,其中最具特色的应是印度宗教民族主义和印度教派民族主义,而后者使得印度民族主义复又出现了内部的自我分化与对立。印度教派民族主义至少包括印度教民族主义、印度伊斯兰民族主义和印度锡克教民族主义等,受篇幅所限,本文暂先只对印度教派民族主义中前两大派别的历史演进与内在机制作一探析。     

马来穆斯林经济社会发展趋势

马来西亚马来穆斯林是该国一个重要的族群。然而 ,我们对其发展状况却了解不多。本文从马来西亚马来穆斯林人口数量、人口构成、教育程度、收入水平、贫困水平等方面的变化 ,对20世纪下半叶以来马来西亚马来穆斯林的发展进行了定量分析。     

马来西亚的伊斯兰政党和组织

马来西亚是一个多种族和多宗教的国家，代表了伊斯兰国家的一种特殊经历。伊斯兰教在马来西亚为官方宗教，穆斯林人口占全国人口总数的53％。其中绝大多数为马来族人，约占全国人口的45％。其余人口由许多不同的种族和宗教团体组成，其中最大的少数民族是华族（占35％）和印度族（占10％）。很长时间以来，伊斯兰教与马来族的民族认同和政治地位是相互关联的，反映在公众的信念中即是马来族人，也就是穆斯林。马来西亚政治发展的一个显著特征是伊斯兰教在马来西亚政治中的作用。国家的三大支柱是伊斯兰教（国教）、马来语（国语）、苏丹（王…     

马来西亚与泰国南部冲突——关于安全和种族的调解

2001年年底,泰国1南部再次发生暴力事件,并在2004年进一步升级。泰国的邻国马来西亚是受此影响最大的外部国家。几十年来,马来西亚都把泰国南部的发展作为其国家安全的考虑,并试图通过加强与泰国的合作来实现泰南的发展。但是,由于泰国境内的马     

阿拉伯民族的三大特点及其对阿拉伯政治思潮的影响——以民族与宗教关系为视角的考察

宗教性、整体性、地方性构成了阿拉伯民族的三大特点,并对近代以来的阿拉伯政治思潮产生了重要影响.宗教性在伊斯兰改革主义、原教旨主义和泛伊斯兰主义中都得到了体现.在伊斯兰改革主义中体现为民族认同与宗教认同的混合;在原教旨主义和泛伊斯兰主义中体现为以宗教认同否定民族认同,但两者的政治主张又有所不同.整体性构成了泛阿拉伯民族主义的历史基础.强调民族认同高于宗教认同,对伊斯兰教既排斥限制,又加以整合与利用,构成了泛阿拉伯民族主义对待伊斯兰教的典型特征.地方性特征构成了地方民族主义产生的历史基础,地方阿拉伯民族主义主张以地方认同和国家认同为基础,建构自身的民族认同,排斥和贬低泛宗教认同,并奉行反对政教合一的世俗主义主张.     

Threats to Primal Identities: A Comparison of Nationalism and Religion as Impacts on Ethnic Protest and Rebellion

The post World War II world has witnessed a proliferation of conflicts based on ethnic differences. Religion and national identity are two dominant features of many of these ethnic struggles. The purpose of this study is to determine which of the two has a greater impact on protest and rebellion using large-n methodology, employing variables from the Minorities at Risk Phase 3 dataset as well as data collected independently. It was found that the simple answer is that nationalism has a greater impact on conflict than does religion. However, this simple answer is not an accurate answer. This is because the simple answer that nationalism has a greater influence is to a great extent due to the fact that the majority of ethnic conflicts are between groups that are not religiously different. If one looks only at those ethnic conflicts where religion can potentially be a factor, religious and national issues are involved in ethnic conflicts approximately as often. Also, while religious issues alone seem to have less of an influence on ethnic conflict than national issues, religious issues have a strong influence on the relationship between nationalism and ethnic conflict, to the extent that the relationship between nationalism and ethnic conflict can not be fully understood without accounting for the influence of religion.     

The Determinants of Civic and Ethnic Nationalisms in Kazakhstan: Evidence from the Grass-Roots Level

This article investigates the determinants of ethnic and civic nationalism in post-Soviet Kazakhstan. Using data from an original nation-wide survey (N = 1600), the regression analysis is applied to evaluate the influence of trust and perceptions of discrimination as well as sociodemographic factors on people's support of civic and ethnic nationalism(s) in Kazakhstan. The results show that trust in political institutions, perceived discrimination, and the knowledge of the Kazakh language have an impact on both types of nationalism. In addition, intragroup (ethnic) trust and income determine civic–nationalist attachments, while rural residence, Kazakh ethnicity, income, and other ethnic minorities influence ethnonationalism in Kazakhstan.     

The “Civic” Road to Secession: Political Ideology as an Ethnic Boundary Marker in Contemporary Scotland

Abstract

Civic nationalism is a weak vessel for secession. Nonetheless, contemporary Scottish nationalism has proven unusually successful, using the characteristically civic marker of political ideology as its signature boundary mechanism. Because a civic form of nationalism funnels toward civic markers of national identity, nationalist elites define Scotland as social democratic and England as neoliberal. This symbolic cultivation of a Scottish social democratic essence is deeply ethnic, however, through a mythological fusion of ideology with genealogy characteristic of ethnic myths of descent. Scotland’s “civic” nationalism points up the confused nature of the ethnic-civic dichotomy itself.     

城市化抑或华人化——曼德勒华人移民、经济发展与族群关系之研究

曼德勒为缅甸第二大城市,也是上下缅甸交汇之处,人口、物资、信息的频繁流动与多元的族群文化共同构成了曼德勒复杂多样的城市风景。随着缅甸的社会发展与城市化进程,曼德勒的人口构成、社会阶层与城市空间也随之发生转变。华人移民的迁入与增长,引起了曼德勒城市华人化的论争。事实上,曼德勒城市景观的变化,并非华人单一促就,而是现代化、城市化等内外动因共同作用下的社会后果,因此,需综合曼德勒华人移民、经济行为与族群互动,以及三者与城市发展之间的关系来理解曼德勒的城市化,以避免族群民族主义所带来的成见。     

The ‘new nationalism’ and democracy: A critique of Pro Patria

This article addresses a way of thinking which has entered the current literature on democratization and which I call the new nationalism. The main argument of this approach is that a certain kind of nationalism is essential for the future of democracy. It is conceptualized variously as ‘civic nationalism’, ‘national identity’, ‘esprit general’, ’constitutional patriotism’ or even ‘post‐nationalism’ and is contrasted with conventional forms of nationalism marked by ethnic hatred. The ‘new nationalism’ rejects Marxist internationalism, which it sees as nullifying the importance of the nation‐state for democracy. I shall explore the arguments put forward in this mode by Ignatieff, Kristeva and Habermas; criticize the national chauvinism which continues to run through them; reassess their criticisms of Marxism; and compare them with the more critical approach of Hannah Arendt. I shall, finally, argue that the ‘new nationalism’ is an inadequate framework for theorizing democracy in the modern age.     

Economic Reforms and Ethnic Nationalism in the Context of Transition to Democracy: The Case of Four Eastern European Nations

The end of communism stimulated an increase of nationalism in east central European countries. It is argued that this resurgence of ethnic sentiments is a consequence of prior severe suppression during the communist rule. An important research question that arises is whether nationalism is compatible with the goals of democratization and economic reform that east central European countries set out to accomplish. This article explores the relationship between the choice of economic reforms and the use of nationalistic rhetoric as a mobilization tool. It proposes that the commitment made by any one government to liberal economic reforms is likely to be negatively correlated with the nationalism expressed in social policies. It analyzes the issue by constructing specific indicators reflecting levels for both economic reforms and nationalism embedded in social policies. The research includes four countries: Bulgaria, Slovakia, Romania and Ukraine, over a period of six years. Results lend support to the hypothesis that the commitment of a government to liberal economic reforms is associated with low levels of official nationalism.     

From Civic Pluralism to Ethnoreligious Majoritarianism: Majority Nationalism in India

Abstract

This article analyzes the changing nature and substance of Indian nationalism since independence in 1947. India provides insights into how state and majority nationalism manifests itself in a democratic post-colonial society. It also draws attention to how state-making and nation-building reflect the dominant political position of the majority nation in a specific state. In India, the state actively sought to accommodate ethnic and linguistic demands through a consensual federal system. In this form, the majority nationalism did not always imply majoritarianism. The outcome was complex asymmetrical federalism that sought accommodation but also actively opposed secessionist demands by nationalist movements. This accommodationist form of majority nationalism has in recent decades been replaced by an ethnoreligious nationalism based on majoritarian and exclusivist principles. The political success of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has weakened India’s asymmetrical federalism. The trend is away from pluralistic possibilities to a unitary nation-state model. This majoritarian nationalism is characterized by an insistence on Hindutva or Hindu nationalism, intolerance of difference and an insistence that all those who live in India share a common culture, Identity and historic past. The decision to repeal Article 370 of the Constitution, which provides a special status for Jammu and Kashmir, is discussed in this context.     

Guns,roses and democratization: Huntington's secret admirer in the Caucasus

Georgia is the most democratic country in the Caucasus, but arguably its democratization has also been riddled by Huntingtonian developmental crises, resulting in ethnic conflicts and civil wars. We argue that variation in the type of political instability is best understood by focusing on the interaction between nationalism and political institutionalization rather than on their independent effects. We show that Gamsakhurdia's “state-breaking nationalism”, coupled with political deinstitutionalization, produced separatist and centrist civil wars. When Saakashvili's “state-making nationalism” enhanced state capacity, it marginalized the opposition and rekindled frozen separatist conflicts, but stronger administrative institutions enabled the government to avert another revolutionary regime change.     

The Rules of the Game—Nationalism,Globalisation and Football in Spain: Barça and Bilbao in a Comparative Perspective

This paper discusses the triangular relation between nationalism, globalisation and football in Spain. The aim of the work is to compare the way two Spanish football clubs—the Catalan FC Barcelona (known as “Barça”) and the Basque Athletic Bilbao—respond to the challenges posed by the game's globalisation, and through this comparison learn about the nexus between nationalism and globalisation. The main claim is that the differences between the two clubs’ behaviour can be attributed to varying characteristics of Basque and Catalan nationalism. Focusing on different path dependency, the development of a civic Catalan nationalism is contrasted with the growth of Basque nationalism as essentially ethnic. These characteristics emerged and crystallised primarily during the regions’ industrialisation, and the nationalist response to this advent of modernism would later shape the response to post-modern globalisation. The diametrically opposed ways in which the two football clubs react to the game's globalisation reflect the significant differences between the two national movements’ core values. This illustrates the importance of path dependency as a factor that produces diverse responses to globalisation—the results of which are not predetermined.     

《小说神髓》的“文学冒险”

坪内逍遥《小说神髓》要展现的是一个庞大的帝国文化图景，其主要意图应置入近代日本社会“他者意识一民族主义一近代国民国家”这一思想观念流程中才能够被理解。它不仅呈现出作者根深蒂固的民族主义立场，而且反映出日本文化界在明治维新后积极谋求文化自立、自强与扩张的文化帝国主义图谋。