后苏哈托时代的印尼军人政治

印尼前任总统苏哈托时期(1966-1998年)所提倡的双重职能(dwifungsi)军政一体化教条随着印尼民主化进程而结束,军人参政失去了合法性来源.改革派政治领袖如前任总统瓦希德执政时期(1999-2001年)和梅加瓦蒂时期(2001-2004年)积极建立以文人统治为主的政府.军人参政在印尼民主化时代似乎不会再出现.然而,在苏哈托专政时期享有崇高政治地位的印尼军人未能完全接受民主化时代的文人统治模式.许多具有军人背景的政治人物开始以不同身份和方式试图重返政治舞台,充分利用民主化时代的机制来宣扬自己的理念和政治纲领,寻求民众对他们的支持.本文探讨印尼军人在后苏哈托时代,如何利用民主选举方式寻求合法性,以及将来可能带来的影响.     

印度尼西亚后起的第二号铁腕人物——穆罕默德·尤素福上将

1978年3月29日,印尼总统苏哈托在宣布第三届工作内阁名单时,任命了原工业部部长穆罕默德·尤素福为国防和安全部部长兼武装部队总司令。他现在的军衔是印尼国民陆军上将。     

后苏哈托时期印尼军队的职业化改革

苏哈托政权倒台后,印尼军队的职业化改革逐步提上议事日程。在民众的要求和军队内部改革派的支持下,印尼文官政府通过加强对军队的干预、整合及国家宪政制度的改造,逐步废除军队的特权。印尼军人正逐步淡出国家权力中心。     

印尼苏西洛新政府国内外政策的走势

印尼总统直选经两轮投票后,苏西洛以多数票当选为印尼第六届总统.印尼是东南亚地区大国,国际社会很关注印尼新政府国内外政策的变化.苏西洛总统组建的新内阁有什么特点?新政府对外政策和国内政策的走势如何?新政府面临的挑战是什么?这些是本文要探讨的问题.     

印尼军队新任三军和警察首脑简况

据印尼报刊报道,今年4月,为了适应印尼军队新编制的需要,印尼当局决定提前更换陆、海、空军参谋长和警察总长,更换以后的陆、海、空军和警察首脑都由印尼军队的“年轻一代”(指1950年以后参军的军人)来担任,平均年龄为51岁,比他们的前任的平均年龄小4.75岁,也比前任1983年上任时的平均年龄小1.75岁。按照新编制,新的陆、海、空军参谋长和警     

1975年东帝汶危机中美国对印尼的政策——基于美国解密外交档案的分析

1975年东帝汶危机的爆发缘于东帝汶独立革命阵线领导的反对葡萄牙殖民统治的民族独立运动,进而引发大国势力介入,最终导致印尼的侵占.由于印尼独特的地缘战略地位,美国对印尼的政策成为越南战争后美国稳定东南亚地区、遏制共产主义阵营的战略基石.维护美印(尼)战略友好合作关系成为美国对印尼政策的主旨.为此,从危机爆发到印尼对东帝汶的侵占,美国从冷战全球战略出发,以美国国家利益最大化为基准,对印尼实行了默许、支持和加大援助的政策.由此,东帝汶在危机及被占期间发生了严重的人道主义灾难.东帝汶危机期间美国对印尼的政策演变揭示,美国高举的捍卫国际法、民族自决、民主、人权等原则和口号在美国现实主义外交政策面前往往不攻自破.     

苏加诺签署向苏哈托交权命令书经过

1966年3月11日,当时的印尼陆军司令苏哈托中将派了三位将领去茂物总统府,迫使苏加诺总统签署命令书,授权苏哈托可以总统名义,采取一切必要措施,以“保证治安、安定及政府和革命进程的稳定”。次日,苏哈托即以总统名义宣布解散印尼共产党。接着逮捕第一副总理苏班德里约等十五名苏加诺内阁部长,改组内阁,更换临时人民协商会议     

"五月骚乱"以后印尼华人的政治参与

政治关系是印尼华人与当地民族关系的一个重要方面,政治参与活动是印尼华人保护自身,改善与当地民族关系的重要途径.本文简要叙述了1998年"五月骚乱"以后印尼华人参政条件的改善,重点说明了这一时期印尼华人参政的各种方式.     

栏首话

本期“青年园地”向读者推出三篇文章。 《论印尼军人官僚阶层的形成及其政治特征》和《新加坡外交——其生存之道》两文通过个案研究,分别探讨了战后发展中国家普遍出现的军人政权问题及东南亚地区国际关系问题,《从载文分析看我国近年的东南亚研究》一文则可以说是对国内东南亚研究现状     

印度尼西亚“沉船”政策分析

印尼对于在印尼海域非法捕鱼的外国渔船实施"沉船"政策已有多年,近年来被炸沉的船舶数量越来越多。印尼"沉船"政策涉及渔业、渔民、渔业执法、非法捕鱼等方面,通过对这些问题的分析,可以看出印尼的"沉船"政策是涉及经济、社会、政治、外交等多方面的综合性政策。作为一个海洋国家,渔业是印尼的立国之本,但是,印尼的渔业发展水平并不高,渔民是最贫穷的群体之一。由于国内资金短缺,渔业管理与执法能力不足,非法和没有受到管制的捕捞活动普遍存在,在国内民族主义情绪的影响下,印尼政府通过高调实施"沉船"政策来显示对国家利益的维护决心。在这种背景下,虽然"沉船"政策遭到外界的众多批评,并且对佐科政府建设"全球海洋支点"战略有一定的消极影响,但是,可以预见,出于维护国家利益的考虑,佐科在总统的第二任期内,仍将继续实施"沉船"政策。     

J.B. Chifley and the Indonesian Revolution, 1945–1949

This article traces the role of the Prime Minister, Joseph Benedict Chifley, in Australia's response to the Dutch‐Indonesian colonial conflict. It argues for Chifley's centrality to the formation of Australia's eventual policy to support Indonesian nationalist aspirations, a policy often in antithesis to the views of H.V. Evatt. This is significant because a focus on Evatt has distracted historians from ascertaining the causes of Australia's policy. Examining Chifley's attitude and role reveals that Australia's response to revolutionary Indonesia stemmed from an application to the Southeast Asian colonial question of a labourist and post‐war reconstructionist ethos, an idea of sweeping reform to rectify deep economic and social grievances.     

Hostages to History: The Use of Portuguese Prisoners of War in the Annexation of East Timor

On 26 August 1975 the colonial administration in Portuguese Timor abruptly removed itself from Dili to the island of Atauru, amidst escalating armed conflict among Timorese political parties. A puzzle that has remained is why did the Portuguese administration leave so precipitately, and why did it not return a few days later when the conflict was over? We have been left with the impression that Portugal simply deserted its responsibilities, abandoning the territory to Indonesian annexation. This paper pieces together a rivetting but little-known story, from contemporary Portuguese, Indonesian, US, Australian, Timorese and eyewitness accounts, about the humiliating capture and detention by Timorese and Indonesians of Portuguese military as prisoners of war, which helps to explain a previously unrecognized constraint on Portuguese policy in East Timor in 1975-1976. This paper also shows that Indonesia had taken some important lessons from history on how to manage Portugal, from India's annexation of Portuguese Goa in 1961.     

Resettlement and development in Indonesia

This article deals with resettlement management in Indonesia, which involves a number of policy and implementation issues concerning land acquisition, compensation, and resettlement practices in development projects.¹ The principal objective of this article is to identify a set of policy measures gleaned from past experiences in Indonesia and to present a comparative review of how other countries have addressed land acquisition and resettlement issues, including the latest donor policies concerning resettlement of people affected by the development processes. Several resettlement case studies in Indonesia are briefly presented to identify past mistakes and successes. The Indonesian experience is then assessed in the light of international “best practices” for retooling policy, including adoption of an appropriate resettlement policy in Indonesia. The role of local government bodies, non-government and community-based organizations in resettlement management and their beneficial involvements in resettlement planning and implementation is briefly discussed.     

印尼华人的同化及其前景

印度尼西亚华人同化于主体社会的历史告诉我们 :民族通婚、一个民族的经济和文化素质、国际环境以及国家的民族政策是影响民族同化进程的四个主要因素。比较而言 ,国家民族政策是具有决定意义的因素。只要印度尼西亚政府能够制定明智而现实的国家政策 ,实现真正的民族平等 ,印度尼西亚各民族所期盼的民族统一、和睦相处的崇高目标就一定会达到。     

印尼华人的民族权利与华文教育问题

2006年7月,印度尼西亚国会通过的争议多年的新<国籍法>,取消了已存在半个多世纪的在印尼国籍问题上带有族群歧视性的条款.新<国籍法>不仅为包括华人在内的印尼外来族群获得平等的生存权利提供了法律上的保障,而且也为印尼华文教育的发展带来了新的曙光.本文试从印尼华人民族权利的角度出发,分析探讨印尼华文教育多样性发展的可能前景,希冀能够抛砖引玉,引发更多关于印尼华文教育可持续发展的思考和讨论.     

The transformation of hi no maru in postwar Okinawa: from symbol of hope to object of contempt

Starting in the early 1950s, the Japanese flag hi no maru was a cherished symbol in Okinawa of the movement for an end to the postwar U.S. military occupation and reversion to Japanese sovereignty. The flag represented an appeal for liberation from U.S. military rule that dragged on for twenty years (1945–1972) after mainland Japan regained its sovereignty in 1952; and, for elimination, or at least reduction, of the overwhelming size and number of American bases on the island. However, the 1969 Okinawa Reversion Agreement between the U.S. and Japanese governments broke both of the Japanese government’s promises that, after reversion, Okinawa would have no nuclear weapons, and that U.S. bases would be reduced to mainland levels. The grossly disproportionate U.S. military remains to this day, and a “secret agreement” permits the United States to bring back nuclear weapons. Today many in Okinawa associate hi no maru with this discriminatory policy which imposes 74 percent of the total U.S. military presence in Japan on this small island prefecture comprising 0.2 percent of the nation’s land area. For historians, the flag also represents atrocities committed by Imperial Japanese soldiers during the Pacific War and the Japanese government’s continuing reluctance to acknowledge them.     

试论印尼华人文化

本文运用文化哲学原理,以印尼华人文化为研究对象,通过对其本体的解析、时空的察析及其运动态势的审视认为,印尼华人文化是一种构成多元、部类层叠的复合文化,是一种处在不断“当地化”又坚持“中华化”、对立统一运动的移民文化;印尼华人文化既有别于在印尼的异族文化,又不同于中华文化,是“移居”印尼的中华文化与在印尼的异族文化综合融合的结晶,是印尼华人的族群标识,是一种相对独立的民族(部族)文化,即华人“部族”文化;印尼华人文化复合了大量的中华文化和非中华文化要素,与生俱来就是中华文化与在印尼的各异族文化进行对话交流的重要中介,是印尼华人、印尼各民族(部族)的共同财富,是中国发展与印尼的友好关系、睦邻善邻友邻、构建和谐亚洲和世界的重要资源,是21世纪中国和平崛起的的宝贵资源。     

路在何方?——印尼华人社会的现状与未来

】１９９８ 年５ 月印尼发生社会大骚乱,华人成为袭击对象,生命和财产遭受严重损失,印尼局势的发展和华人出路成为人们关注的焦点。正确看待印尼华人的几个热点问题,即关于华人控制印尼经济的争论,华人同化和印尼排华问题,有助于印尼社会的稳定和华人的生存与发展     

A Tale of Three Cities: Electoral Accountability in Indonesian Local Politics

In Indonesia, local government is endowed with important policy prerogatives and local politics is key to advance social welfare. The literature on Indonesian local politics has convincingly exposed serious limitations in local democratic practices, and it has questioned the ability of local democracy to promote genuine political change. This work, however, predominantly focuses on elite politics and specific forms of accountability based on patronage and clientelism. In this paper, we study democratic accountability in Indonesia from a different perspective. Drawing from the comparative literature on voting behavior, we hypothesize that Indonesian voters evaluate local politicians for their performance, and that they vote to reward or punish them for what they do in office. The analysis of three original surveys conducted in the cities of Medan, Samarinda and Surabaya offers partial support for this argument. While there is a positive relationship between evaluations of local government performance and support for incumbents, the strength of this link varies substantially across individuals and cities. The results shed new light on voter-politician linkages in Indonesia, suggesting that forms of accountability different from clientelism may emerge in this large and diverse country.     

The Department of External Affairs, the ABC & Reporting of the Indonesian Crisis 1965–1969

The Department of External Affairs took a keen interest in the manner in which Radio Australia reported events in Indonesia throughout the 1950s and 1960s. Radio Australia's high signal strength gave it a massive listening audience in the region. The attempted coup in Indonesia of 1965, its immediate aftermath, and the protracted power struggle that followed, triggered a period of cooperation and conflict between the Department and the Australian Broadcasting Commission over Radio Australia's reporting of events in Indonesia. During this time the Department received and acted upon advice from the Australian ambassador to Indonesia, Keith Shann, and, via Shann, received advice from the Indonesian Army on how it wanted the situation in Indonesia reported. This period is characterised by the Department's efforts to take over Radio Australia, and by cooperation between major western powers to coordinate information policy towards Indonesia. The Department also attempted to influence reporting of events in Indonesia by the Australian press and succeeded in convincing newspaper editors to report and editorialise in a manner sensitive to the Department's concerns.