打开英国学派大门的钥匙——《阐发“国际社会”:英国学派的历史》评介

罗伯特·基欧汉在《国家制度与国家权力》①一书中 ,将在国际关系理论中占主流的、以理性主义为基础的新现实主义、新自由制度主义和世界体系论统称为“理性主义理论”(rationaltheories) ,而把那些向理性主义理论发起挑战的非主流国际关系理论 (包括规范理论、女性主义理论、批判理论、历史社会学和后现代主义理论等 )称为“反思主义理论”(reflexivetheories)。冷战后 ,在理性主义理论内部 ,新现实主义与新自由主义在继续论战的同时日益趋同 ,两派辩论的学术意义正在逐渐减小。而反思主义理论又未得到理性主义学派的积极响应 ,致使国际关…     

美德英工业战略比较及对中国的影响

近年来,为了应对第四次工业革命带来的机会和挑战,美德英三国纷纷公布了其工业战略,以便维护和重新获得在世界制造业中的领先地位。本文主要通过对美德英三国工业战略的主要问题、总体目标和实施措施进行比较,分析美德英三国工业战略的异同点以及趋势性特征,并对当前发达国家工业战略的主要理论来源——新李斯特主义经济学派进行评析,认为当前发达国家主流经济理论有从新自由主义向新李斯特主义转向的趋势。美德英三国工业战略将对中国的赶超战略、工业化进程和新型大国关系形成压力。     

新区域主义理论:渊源、发展与综合化趋势

国际关系新区域主义理论是针对全球化背景下“新区域主义”这一世界性现象提出来的,但其理论渊源可追溯到冷战时的欧洲一体化理论,尤其是交流主义和新功能主义。目前,这一理论既形成了包括新现实主义、新古典现实主义、新自由制度主义和自由政府间主义等理性主义理论、“新区域主义方法”、“世界秩序方法”等反思主义流派以及社会建构主义在内的多样化局面,又逐步呈现出建立在理论、历史、现实与比较方法之上的综合化发展趋势。     

解析东盟共同体建设新思路

东盟近年来颁布了一系列文件,对东盟共同体的建设内容、建设目标、建设原则等作出了相关规定,从中可以看出东盟共同体建设独具特色,现有地区主义理论无法对此做出完满解释.东盟共同体建设之路是一场正在进行中的新型地区治理实验,它给地区一体化提供了一种新思路.     

联盟形成理论:评估及对中国的政策启示

本文对联盟形成理论进行了全面回顾与评析,认为在过去几十年中,联盟形成理论主要有两大发展,一是在研究"为什么形成联盟"这个问题上,存在从势力均衡理论到威胁均衡理论再到利益均衡理论的理论演进;二是上述三个理论各自内部的理论深化。按照拉卡托斯的理论演进判断标准以及"奥卡姆剃刀"(Occam’srazor)原则,文章对有关理论演进进行了评估,认为从势力均衡理论到威胁均衡理论的发展相对成功。然后,本文提出如何从联盟形成理论及其演进历程中寻求启发,以建构一个简约的联盟解体理论。最后,讨论了联盟形成理论对中国当前对外政策的启示。     

反全球化运动:新社会运动理论的视角

20世纪90年代末在国际社会掀起的反全球化运动与60年代末兴起的新社会运动颇为相似。本文从社会运动和新社会运动的含义与特征入手,在对新社会运动的几种主要理论即现代化矛盾理论、后物质主义理论、资源动员理论和政治机会结构理论进行阐释的基础上,具体分析了当今国际社会中反全球化运动的议题、主体、组织形式、活动方式以及政治机会结构对反全球化运动的影响。反全球化运动是新社会运动在新的国际背景下的一种体现,但它也在一定程度上赋予新社会运动理论以新的内容。     

编后絮语

立足于欧洲、但不局限于欧洲,这是《欧洲研究》一贯的办刊方针。以此为出发点,我们关注的问题可以大致分为三个层面:第一,战后欧洲的政治、经济、社会文化问题,包括对欧洲进行的国别研究、区域研究和一体化研究。第二,与欧洲有关的国际政治、经济比较研究和国际关系研究,既包括欧洲国家或地区之间的比较与关系,也包括欧洲与外部世界的比较与关系。第三,国际政治经济理论研究,包括国际关系理论研究;这一块不以“欧洲”为限,主要探讨具有时代性、全局性、国际性、理论性的问题。以本期为例,王鹤从效率与公平的角度探讨“欧洲经济模式”的文章…     

后功能主义理论与欧洲一体化

后功能主义是当前欧洲一体化理论的新发展。在继承和修正新功能主义理论的基础上,它从研究欧盟的大众意见和政党政治入手,分析了国内政治化进程对欧洲一体化发展的重要性。后功能主义理论以认同为核心变量解释了20世纪90年代以来欧盟的全民公决、政党冲突等新现象。它对欧洲一体化的理论和实践有着重要意义,但在以下四个方面依然存在一些局限:首先,后功能主义对于政治化进程的看法似乎过于悲观;其次,后功能主义讨论的政治化进程只限于成员国国内,而没有涉及跨国层面;再次,认同因素在政治化进程中的核心位置值得商榷;最后,后功能主义虽然指出了"政治化"带来的冲突,但并没有为此给出解决方案。     

从“均势主义”看新美关系

从均势主义理论出发 ,阐述新加坡政府对美外交政策在安全领域的具体表现。     

国际公共产品的供应竞争及其出路——亚太地区二元格局与中美新型大国关系建构

既有国际公共产品理论从单向消费者的视角更多地强调供应不足,这导致了诸多理论困境。文章认为应从国际公共产品的消费者—供应方双向互动的视角重新审视这一理论。供应不足论旨在建构现有供应方对公共产品供应的垄断地位,消除潜在的供应竞争。从供应方视角看,公共产品供应面临的问题极可能是供应竞争而非供应不足;而从消费者反馈来看,公共产品的供应竞争意味着各供应方均有比较优势,通过支持不同供应方的不同比较优势,消费者可获得最大收益。当前亚太地区二元格局正是公共产品消费者—供应方双向互动的结果:一方面是中美在亚太地区公共产品供应上拥有比较优势结构;另一方面则是作为消费者的其他亚太国家不仅接受、而且试图强化中美公共产品供应的比较优势结构。这为中美避免零和竞争提供了有益启示,中美可依据地区公共产品供应的比较优势,建构亚太地区公共产品提供的分工与合作体系,推动中美新型大国关系的构建。     

结构性地区主义与开放性地区主义——西欧与东亚的比较

全球化浪潮下,地区主义伴随区域一体化得到迅速发展。在西欧一体化过程中,西欧国家通过重视合法协定、强调功能整合以及超国家机构的建设形成了结构性地区主义;而在东亚一体化发展中,东亚国家则强调不干涉原则,突出国家主权至上,抵制和质疑超国家机构,从而形成了弱机制化的开放性地区主义。两种性质的地区主义的成因主要在于:西欧和东亚的历史发展体系不同,导致其各自成员国之间的经济政治制度同质性程度不同,成员国之间的集体认同以及对民族国家主权的价值观存在差异。就发展趋向而言,自金融危机后,欧洲债务危机频现,暴露了规范严谨的结构性地区主义的僵化弊病,而东亚一体化过程中,东盟、10+1、10+3、东亚峰会等对话形式层出不穷,则表明了缺乏规范机制下的地区合作效率的不足。     

边界转型对欧洲一体化进程的影响机制

成员国边界对欧洲一体化的影响是复杂和深刻的,一般可以概括为显性和隐性两个方面。从边界转型的角度看,欧洲一体化的过程就是边界不断由阻碍效应向接触和过滤效应转变的过程,而边境地区一体化又可以成为边界转型的重要推动力。因此,从这个意义上说,边境地区一体化是欧洲一体化的微观动力。本文首先分析了成员国边界对欧洲一体化的影响机制,进而讨论边境地区合作对边界转型的意义,最后探讨了欧洲边境地区一体化的治理模式。     

A turning point in the German EMU debate: The Baden‐Württemberg regional election of March 1996

In this article it is argued that the regional election in Baden‐Württemberg of March 1996 marked a crucial turning point in the German domestic debate on EMU. In its election campaign the SPD openly challenged the prevailing political consensus on European integration by proposing that monetary union should be postponed by at least five years. In contrast to prior expectations, the Social Democrats did not profit from their strategy but lost a considerable share of their vote. This article examines the motives behind the SPD leadership's decision in Baden‐Württemberg to make EMU an election issue, analyses the actual election campaign and assesses the significance of the election outcome for the future domestic debate on European monetary integration in Germany.     

A Common Appeal: Anglo‐British Nationalism and Opposition to Europe, 1970–1975

Debates over European integration allow the articulation of an English nationalism based upon an Anglo‐British identity committed to Parliamentary sovereignty and British exceptionalism. This was seen during debates over entry to the European Economic Community between 1970 and 1975, which ended with a referendum. Tony Benn and Enoch Powell emerged as leaders of the campaign. With Benn a leading figure of the Labour Left and Powell a prominent yet contradictory figure on the right, they presented unlikely allies. However, since European integration conflicted with their Anglo‐British identity, partisan politics were secondary to nationalist sentiments. By examining Benn and Powell's anti‐Market rhetoric, this article considers 1970–1975 as the period in which the paradox of Anglo‐British nationalism was affirmed: that its populist expression can be used to reinforce parliamentary sovereignty.     

European Integration and the End of an Imperial Consciousness in Britain

This article examines the impact of European integration between 1961 and 1975 on national and imperial consciousness in Britain. It suggests that the end of imperial sentiment that was brought about by greater involvement in Europe did not produce a strong or deep attachment to the idea of European integration. Arguments about the need for European integration to transcend war in Europe tended to reinforce a sense of Commonwealth commonality for the British rather than a sense of European commonality. Although the Empire and Commonwealth had become a mere source of nostalgia in British consciousness by 1975, the weak support for European integration continues to condition British attitudes to European integration to this day. Indeed, in the current Eurosceptic climate, the Dominions are making a return to British political consciousness.     

国家转型视角下的欧洲民族国家研究

"民族国家"是诞生于欧洲的国家形态①,主要通过专制君主国转型和封建帝国解体而来。欧洲民族国家兴起过程中,"民族"起到整合国民认同、赋予国家合法性的作用。但从根本上说,"民族"只是建国的理由,民族国家在欧洲兴起的深层原因是推翻封建制度。欧洲民族国家的出现是历史进步,但建构过程也使世界付出沉重代价,两次世界大战均与其有关。同时,由于"民族意识"具有持久性,欧洲民族国家建成后,多数仍然面临"民族问题"困扰。当代欧洲,民族国家正在发生新的转型:各国的民族构成由单一向多元发展,国家主权行使方式在欧洲一体化和全球化中改变。本文认为,民族国家建构、欧洲一体化和全球化是一个进程的三个方面。到目前为止,民族国家仍是多层治理体系的核心与合法性的来源,不应得出其弱化的结论。     

The Economics and Politics of the Euro Crisis

This article addresses puzzles raised by the Euro crisis: why was EMU established with limited institutional capacities, where do the roots of the crisis lie, how can the response to the crisis be explained, and what are its implications for European integration? It explores how prevailing economic doctrines conditioned the institutional shape of the single currency and locates the roots of the crisis in an institutional asymmetry grounded in national varieties of capitalism, which saw political economies organised to operate export-led growth models joined to others accustomed to demand-led growth. The response to the crisis is reviewed and explained in terms of limitations in European institutions, divergent economic doctrines and the boundaries of European solidarity. Proposed solutions to the crisis based on deflation or reflation are assessed from a varieties of capitalism perspective and the implications for European integration reviewed.     

Reshaping EU Attitudes? The Case of Social Democratic and Radical Left Parties in Spain and Italy

Since the beginning of the Great Recession, the issue of European integration has become increasingly salient in many European polities. The European left has adopted a different stance toward European integration, both in terms of economic and welfare‐state integration. On the one hand, radical left parties (RLPs) have always opposed a process of integration dominated by neoliberal logic; on the other hand, the social democratic parties (SDPs) have appeared as one of the main pro‐EU party families, identifying the EU as a privileged space in which to promote the building of a European social model. In this paper, we propose a binary comparison between RLPs and SDPs in Italy and Spain with a qualitative content analysis methodology. Our results show that albeit the crisis brought SDPs closer to a Eurocritical stance vis‐à‐vis the social‐Europe, this dimension along with the political integration are still dividing issues for the RLPs and SDPs families.     

Turkey and the Idea of a European Union during the Inter-war Years, 1923–39

This paper is aimed at introducing the inter-war dimension to the debate on the history of Turkey's association with the idea of European integration. This association evolved in the context of two inter-war initiatives: Aristide Briand's European Union proposal within the framework of the League of Nations and Richard Coudehove-Kalergi's Pan-Europe idea. Although Turkey had been originally excluded from both, the inter-war great power rivalries in Europe rectified the situation, allowing Turkey's incorporation into both schemes. In the process, the Turkish leaders and public could relate to Briand's intergovernmental initiative far more easily than to Coudenhove-Kalergi's Pan-Europe ideal. This might be considered a manifestation of traditional Turkish emphasis on institutional, rather than ideational, aspect of European integration.