首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
相似文献
 共查询到19条相似文献,搜索用时 203 毫秒
1.
经济全球化和我国入世,拉近了我国劳工界同国际劳工领域的距离。在劳动关系日趋国际化、社会对话范围不断扩大、国际劳工标准问题空前凸现的今天,关注国际劳工标准的由来和发展,比较我国劳动标准同国际劳工标准的差别和原因,趋利避害,及时应对,已是刻不容缓的一个重要课题。国际劳工组织是联合国历史  相似文献   

2.
上海自由贸易试验区是中国改革开放的升级版。人们讨论贸易竞争的公平时,总绕不开国际劳工标准。绕不开,就只有直面。直面国际劳工标准,我们面对的最大挑战,不是体制机制,而是观念。只有解决观念问题,才能变被动为主动,了解规则,并为参与规则的制定创造条件。自贸区建设是从"与国际接轨"走向"推动规则演化"的新阶段。劳动关系三方要把先行试验和压力测试当作全面系统学习和研究国际劳工标准的过程,完善劳动关系调整的法律、体制机制的过程,在劳工和社会发展领域,与世界同步的过程。  相似文献   

3.
李文沛 《理论探索》2012,(4):139-141
国际劳工标准在我国的适用立法,指的是由我国特定的立法主体,依据一定的职权和程序,制定、认可与变动国际劳工标准这种特定社会规范的问题,是国际法对国内立法影响的具体体现。国际劳工标准在我国适用立法存在的问题主要有:在立法方式上,采取"转化"还是"纳入"的方式,缺乏统一规定;在立法主体上,存在立法主体准备不足,参与力度不够的问题;在立法内容上,国内劳动立法与国际劳工标准相比仍显粗糙。进一步完善国际劳工标准在我国的适用立法,需要在立法方式、立法主体、立法内容等方面努力。  相似文献   

4.
经济全球化呈现的不均衡、不平等及差距拉大等消极态势,对全球劳动体制、劳工权益和劳工运动的发展产生了巨大的不良影响,同时也对我国的劳动关系带来多方面的不利冲击。其突出表现就是出现“强资本、弱劳动”格局,而要改变这种情况,就必须努力构建社会主义新型劳动关系。这不仅是构建和谐社会的重要组成部分和一项基础工作,也是我国广大劳动者的共同愿望。  相似文献   

5.
经济全球化与"体面劳动"   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
在经济全球化的背景下,世界各国劳资关系力量对比处于一种极端不平衡的状态之中.国际上关于"社会条款"和"体面劳动"的提议,或者是出于贸易保护的目的,或者是出于保障现实中被忽视和侵害的劳动者权益的目的,或者两者兼而有之.为适应加入WTO后的新形势,为尽早在中国实现"体面劳动",中国应该以国际劳工标准和"体面劳动"的内容要求为参照,完善劳动法律体系,建立起一套保障劳动者权益的法律机制.  相似文献   

6.
我国现行两部劳动法律在立法理念、立法技术等方面都存在与现行经济社会发展不相适应的问题。调整我国劳动法律制度既合乎社会呼声,也具备一定的现实基础。我国劳动法律制度调整在立法趋向上应从立法体例、立法理念、立法技术三个方面入手,提升法律位阶,固守社会法本性,并通过实行差别化的调整方法,真正实现劳动关系的和谐稳定。  相似文献   

7.
郝丽 《理论探讨》2012,(2):106-109
伴随着我国非公经济的不断发展,非公企业中劳动关系的矛盾也不断激化,落后的管理方式、劳动者需求层次的提高、新生代农民工价值观的转变、工会的形同虚设使劳动争议案件和劳资纠纷不断增多.因此,迫切需要加强政府的作用,建立劳动关系管理新模式,确立和维护“劳动三权”,健全劳动法律制度和工会组织,真正实现工会的代表性和独立性,去政治化解决罢工问题,正确评价冲突与社会稳定的辩证关系问题,平和而顺利地解决劳资矛盾,在推进国民经济发展的同时,使劳动者的生活水平有较大的改善.  相似文献   

8.
"劳动三权"作为市场经济下的必然产物,是调整集体劳动关系的基础。改革开放以来,虽然我国劳动者对"劳动三权"的诉求不断在发展,但由于诸多原因,国家对此采取了较为谨慎的态度,主要通过权利替代和权利边界微调两种方式来应对这一诉求。从实践来看,效果并不理想。随着我国劳动关系调整从个别劳动关系向集体劳动关系的转型,社会对"劳动三权"的诉求愈发强烈。要想发挥"劳动三权"的基本功能,目标上,"劳动三权"应尽快回归其基本属性和特有的运行机制。路径上要实现三个回归,即工会行政化向社会化回归;集体协商向集体谈判回归;停工、怠工向罢工回归。  相似文献   

9.
将家政工人纳入社会法范畴的劳动法律保护范围,给予家政工人劳动法上劳动者的权益保护是促进我国家政服务行业发展的必由之路,也是我国与国际社会对家政工人的法律定位和国际保护标准接轨的要求.相较于在劳动法中设立专章,进行家政工人专项立法更能凸显家政工人的特殊性,进而提供更高水平的权益保障.而在建立家政工人专项劳动权益保护法中,必须注意对授权性条款、权利救济方式、多元化的纠纷解决机制、劳动保险、劳动监察和贫弱家庭的社会救济等难点问题的有效面对.  相似文献   

10.
人事与劳动仲裁两者存在着形式上的相似性,然而,两者所涵盖的理念存在本质的差别。劳动仲裁作为企业劳动用工市场化的法律救济制度,所关注的仅仅是用人单位与劳动者之间的个体正义。而人事仲裁则必须着重考虑事业单位所承载的公益性职责,人事仲裁不仅要像劳动仲裁那样从法律与合同两个维度审查案件,还要从公共利益的政策维度审视问题。  相似文献   

11.
ANKE HASSEL 《管理》2008,21(2):231-251
During the last decade, the approach by businesses and governments toward labor and social issues at the global level has fundamentally changed. Industrial relations are rapidly internationalizing by developing new actors and forms of governance to deal with the regulation of labor. This article looks at the evolution of self‐regulatory standards in the global labor governance debate. Key is that notwithstanding problems with the lacking legal framework of global regulation and enforceability, patterns of local self‐regulation, norm‐setting, and international codes lead not only to higher expectations of the behavior of transnationally operating firms but also to an indirect pattern of regulation. The article argues that particularly the adoption of the core labor standards by the International Labour Organization (ILO) and the setup of the Global Compact by the UN serve as points of convergence. A plethora of voluntarist initiatives that converge over time toward a shared understanding of labor standards is part of the transformation of global labor governance institutions.  相似文献   

12.
This article builds on the model of regulatory intermediaries by incorporating insights from the field of legal hermeneutics about the process through which the meaning of a legal rule emerges. It describes how intermediaries can take on a jurisgenerative role in the development of legal rules through their interpretation of legal rules. This role is demonstrated through an analysis of social audits from Chinese and Vietnamese factories involved in the Fair Labor Association (FLA). The analysis illustrates how the integration of fundamental labor rights into the FLA's private Code of Conduct requires auditors to develop new interpretations of the Freedom of Association as a result of uncertainties and contradictions between legal requirements at various levels, as well as with the FLA's own rules. Through this empirical analysis, the article contributes to the literature by identifying regulatory intermediaries’ jurisgenerative capacities when they monitor fundamental labor rights referenced by private governance instruments. It further highlights why legal and regulatory governance scholars need to consider the transformative effects that transnational private labor governance may have on international labor law.  相似文献   

13.

This paper examines the legal restrictions on the labor movement's right to picket and strike since the passage of the National Labor Relations Act (NLRA) or Wagner Act in 1935. The NLRA was seen as a statutory equivalent of the First Amendment for the labor movement, guaranteeing workers rights of association and expression they had been denied historically through the use of court injunctions, criminal conspiracy prosecutions, and extra-legal violence. Supreme Court decisions of the late 1930s, often arising out of labor conflicts, also significantly expanded rights of freedom of association and expression. Yet a report by Human Rights Watch (HRW) in 2000 concluded that US workers lacked the basic rights to organize, bargain, and strike required by international human rights standards. It found that US labor laws permitted employers to fire, harass, and intimidate workers with impunity. This paper examines the decline of these rights since the Wagner Act, seeing the roots of the legal decline in the ambivalent legacy of the Act itself. On the one hand, both the Act and the Court legally recognized unions as legitimate political organizations and extended to them many of the associative and expressive freedoms that had been available to other groups. On the other hand, the legal price for this recognition of legitimacy was the restriction of a range of expressive activities. Subsequently, labor's rights came to be treated more under the framework of industrial relations and economic policy than of civil liberties and constitutional freedoms. This gradual legal retrenchment, along with political and economic developments, left the labor movement severely weakened by the end of the century, with significantly less legal protection than its counterparts in other economically advanced countries. I explore these developments by relating them to the literatures on American exceptionalism and industrial relations. Theoretically, I rely on work which examines the relationship between institutional structure and human agency to understand the strategic choices made by corporations, state actors, and the labor movement. The paper concludes with an assessment of recent calls for labor law reform as a strategy for reviving the labor movement.  相似文献   

14.
Archon Fung 《管理》2003,16(1):51-71
Political theorists have argued that the methods of deliberative democracy can help to meet challenges such as legitimacy, effective governance, and citizen education in local and national contexts. These basic insights can also be applied to problems of international governance such as the formulation, implementation, and monitoring of labor standards. A participatory and deliberative democratic approach to labor standards would push the labor–standards debate into the global public sphere. It would seek to create broad discussion about labor standards that would include not only firms and regulators, but also consumers, nongovernmental organizations, journalists, and others. This discussion could potentially improve (1) the quality of labor standards by incorporating considerations of economic context and firm capability, (2) their implementation by bringing to bear not only state sanctions but also political and market pressures, and (3) the education and understanding of citizens. Whereas the role of public agencies in state–centered approaches is to formulate and enforce labor standards, central authorities in the decentralized–deliberative approach would foster the transparency of workplace practices to spur an inclusive, broad, public conversation about labor standards. To the extent that a substantive consensus around acceptable behavior emerges from that conversation, public power should also enforce those minimum standards.  相似文献   

15.
马克思主义的劳动和劳动价值理论是一个内容极其丰富的科学体系,揭示了当时资本主义的生产方式的运行特点和基本矛盾。在我国当前新的历史条件下,如何深化对劳动和劳动价值理论的认识,尤其是如何在坚持马克思的劳动价值理论的基础上进行理论的发展和创新,不仅是一个重大的理论问题,更是改革开放和社会主义市场经济建设中的重要的实践问题。  相似文献   

16.
The degrowth debate so far has lacked a clear vision of what social subjects, and which processes of political subjectivation, can turn its vision into a political strategy. In this contribution to the debate on degrowth and eco-socialism, I point to the place of labor in the politics of socio-ecological revolution, arguing that degrowth should aim for a truly democratic, workers’ controlled production system, where alienation is actively countered by a collective reappropriation of the products of labor and by a truly democratic decision-making process over the use of the surplus. Such strategy must be based on an extended concept of class relations that goes beyond the wage labor relation, and toward a broader conception of work as a (gendered and racialized) mediator of social metabolism. I conclude that ecosocialist degrowth should take the form of a struggle for dealienating both industrial and meta-industrial labor.  相似文献   

17.
Abstract

This article conducts a comparative public policy analysis of China’s generous urban worker basic pension system. It is commonly believed that Chinese local governments, which are motived by office-seeking incentives under decentralization, may foster economic growth at the expense of citizens’ social rights and thus “promotion tournament competition” comes into being. This article challenges this view by arguing that such competition can increase the generosity of social programs such as public pensions, especially in the condition of labor scarcity. This argument is supported by time-series cross-section analysis of 31 Chinese provincial units (1997–2013) using a novel indicator of the intensity of inter-locality competition. When the labor market tightens, workers can leave a locality to seek better compensation. Motivated by the promotion tournament competition to develop the local economy, which requires the issue of labor shortage to be addressed, local governments then provide generous local pension schemes to retain workers. Operating in a macroeconomic climate of labor scarcity, promotion tournament competition becomes an unlikely catalyst for welfare expansion in China.  相似文献   

18.
Transnational business regulation is increasingly implemented through private voluntary programs – such as certification regimes and codes of conduct – that diffuse global standards. However, little is known about the conditions under which companies adhere to these standards. We conduct one of the first large‐scale comparative studies to determine which international, domestic, civil society, and market institutions promote supply chain factories' adherence to the global labor standards embodied in codes of conduct imposed by multinational buyers. We find that suppliers are more likely to adhere when they are embedded in states that participate actively in the International Labour Organization treaty regime and that have stringent domestic labor law and high levels of press freedom. We further demonstrate that suppliers perform better when they serve buyers located in countries where consumers are wealthy and socially conscious. These findings suggest the importance of overlapping state, civil society, and market governance regimes to meaningful transnational regulation.  相似文献   

19.
劳动教养的性质历来是学界争议很大的一个问题.目前,学界对此存在强制性行政措施说、行政处罚说、预防性司法处分说三种主要学说.劳动教养的性质问题是劳动教养制度的根本性问题,它不仅体现了现阶段人们对劳动教养制度的认识水平,而且决定了劳动教养制度未来的发展方向.从现阶段劳动教养制度的内容及社会需要的角度看,劳动教养是最严厉的剥夺人身自由的行政处罚措施.  相似文献   

设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号