西方国际关系流派视阈中的列宁帝国主义理论

列宁主义是马克思主义理论的重要组成部分,是马克思主义理论与现实联结的重要节点,而列宁的帝国主义理论则是列宁主义理论的基石和核心。西方国际关系流派中既有肯定列宁帝国主义理论的少数流派也有否定列宁帝国主义理论的大多数流派,厘清西方国际关系流派中列宁帝国主义理论研究的现状,无论对学习国际关系理论还是对研究列宁主义都是必不可少的基础。     

列宁晚年谈领导文化建设能力问题

列宁晚年意识到自己病情严重性后 ,决定口述自己认为是最重要的问题。他对当时党和国家的机关谈论最多的是工农检查院。从《我们怎样改组工农检查院》等文看 ,列宁面临的问题是 ,在政治上很可靠的来自工人和农民的工作人员 ,应当如何参与行政事务而不被那些政客当作摆设和附庸。在《宁肯少些 ,但要好些》中 ,列宁说 :“让我们直说吧 ,工农检查院人民委员部现在没有丝毫威信”。要改变这一状况 ,唯一能做的 ,就是提高工人和农民的文化知识水平 ,提高党和国家机关中工作人员的文化知识素养。就党和国家机关建设而言 ,是个机关文化的建设问题 ;…     

列宁的妇女人才思想研究

列宁在继承马克思、恩格斯有关妇女的思想观点的基础上,在俄国社会主义革命和建设的实践过程中形成和发展了其妇女人才思想。列宁妇女人才思想主要包括妇女人才与社会主义革命、妇女人才与生产劳动和社会管理以及爱护妇女人才三个方面,体现了妇女人才在社会主义事业中的重要作用,为社会主义事业做出了巨大贡献。列宁妇女人才思想对中国妇女人才解放、人才事业发展和实现中华民族伟大复兴都具有重要的理论意义和实践价值。     

列宁“社会主义意识灌输理论”与社会主义实践

一、列宁“社会主义意识灌输理论”的提出与内涵 19世纪末至20世纪初,俄国完成了向帝国主义的过渡,国内的阶级矛盾和民族矛盾更加尖锐起来,工农革命进一步高涨,但这时的工人运动还是一种纯粹自发性的运动,其目的只是为了改善工人的生活条件。正象列宁所说,当时工人“还没有而且也不可能     

列宁在民族和殖民地问题上同帝国主义经济主义的论战

纵观整个国际社会民主运动和俄国社会民主党的历史,在民族和殖民地问题上,主要有两种错误思潮,即第二国际的修正主义和帝国主义经济主义。一个从右的方面背叛马克思主义,一个则从“左”的方面加以否定。但是,长时期来,在民族和殖民地问题上,我们只看到右的背叛,看不到“左”的危害,只重视列宁同第二国际内部修正主义的斗争,却无视列宁同帝国主义经济主义的论战。这是极其片面的。可以肯定地说,在民族和殖民地问题上,回避列宁对帝国主义经济主义的批判,是不可能完整地准确地领会和掌握列宁关于民族和殖民地问题的基本理论的。     

列宁时代思想札记

列宁广泛而高频地使用时代这个概念,着重分析了俄国资本主义的变迁,尤其是国际进入帝国主义的新阶段。列宁注重从阶级力量以及科学技术观察时代,将时代变迁与革命策略紧密联系起来,努力实现理论上的与时俱进。列宁的时代思想充满辩证思维,对当今研究时代问题具有深刻的启示。     

简述列宁文化建设思想及其当代价值

列宁的社会主义文化建设思想是列宁主义的重要组成部分,在马克思主义发展史上占有重要地位。列宁的文化建设思想作为社会主义建设的重要组成部分,提倡大力进行文化建设必须坚持党的领导;要批判地吸收全人类一切优秀文化成果,要以正确的态度对待文化遗产;要尊重知识、尊重人才;要大力发展国民教育事业。深入认识和理解列宁的文化建设思想对于我们今天的中国特色社会主义文化建设具有重要的实践价值。     

列宁《帝国主义论》序言要义探析

长期以来学界对列宁《帝国主义论》一书的俄文版序言、法文版和德文版序言的研究还不够充分。列宁在两篇序言中除了对正文写作情况和内容做了必要的交代和补充之外,同时还对正文未能着力强调的帝国主义非经济方面的内容做了重点探讨。深化对序言的研究有助于加深对列宁帝国主义论及其时代意义的理解。     

学习列宁的《帝国主义论》

一鉴于第一次世界大战爆发及其对国际社会主义运动造成的巨大影响,1916年春,列宁写了《帝国主义论》一书,该书自出版以来已过了60多年。尽管资产阶级经济学家和所谓“马克思主义”经济学家中一些人大肆叫嚷“马克思主义过时了”,“列宁的帝国主义论失灵了”,但是我认为在世界史的现阶段上,学习列宁的帝国主义论更为必要和迫切。列宁写帝国主义论的目的,可归纳如下。 1.根据不容争辩的资产阶级综合统计资料和各国资产阶级学家的自白,来说明二十世     

重读列宁关于不发达国家率先进入社会主义理论的一点思考

七十多年前,列宁在总结十月革命胜利的实践经验的基础上,以马克思晚年关于俄国有可能在特定条件下,超越资本主义阶段向社会主义直接过渡的论断为指导,对经济文化发展相对落后的俄国先于西方发达国家进入社会主义的问题,进行了深入的研究,提出了关于社会主义在帝国主义体系薄弱环节突破后如何建设社会主义的一系列重要论断.今天重新学习这一理论中关于“工农政权和苏维埃制度”是创造出实现社会主义所必须的生产力的根本前提的思想;关于全面地利用资产阶级统治时期所创造的一切优秀的文明成果来建设社会主义的思想,对于我们今天解放思想清除“左”的束缚,加快改革开放和现代化建设步伐,是有非常有益的.     

利玛窦儒学观的困境与张力

从记载文本来看,利玛窦从自身对宗教的体会出发,曾经把儒家列为中国的三种宗教之一。随着利玛窦本人对儒家认识的进一步加深,同时为了更好地在中国传教,利玛窦做出了儒家非宗教的判断,这种判断在西方社会中产生了重要影响,虽然当时并没有在中国国内引起较大的关注,但是从一个较长范围来说,仍然具有学术史的意义。利玛窦敏锐地认识到儒学发展的阶段性,肯定"先儒",批判"后儒",但是没有看到中国儒学发展的连续系,也没有看到中国儒学发展断裂性与连续性之间的关系,体现了利玛窦儒学观的内在张力。     

Kazin on Dreiser: What it Means to be a Literary Critic

Throughout his career as a literary critic, Alfred Kazin wrote often and with sympathy and insight about Theodore Dreiser, one of the most powerful, panoramic, and compassionate novelists in American literary history. Kazin was an intense reader and writer, committed in his books, essays, and reviews to connecting with and describing the personality of each author he examined. His interpretive work on Dreiser illuminates what it means to be a literary critic and teacher. When we read Kazin in the midst of twenty-first century theory, ideology, and professionalism, we realize all the more clearly the goal in his literary criticism that he aimed for, achieved, and represented—and that now is missing from literary education and experience.     

Lenin on the Jewish Question: the Theoretical Setting

Western scholars studying Lenin's writings on the Jewish question tend to view them as reflecting no more than the tactical needs of the struggles he conducted against the Jewish Bund. This article examines these writings in the context not of Lenin's political quarrels with the Bund but of his theoretical conception of the relationship between modernization and ethnic conflict. Underlying Lenin's views on the Jewish question and the positions he took vis-à-vis the Bund was a carefully considered theory of nationality grounded in a clearly defined Marxist outlook on history. That theory of nationality, however, happened to be erroneous in that it stipulated the gradual elimination of ethnic conflict as a by-product of modernization. In reality, as theorists of ethnicity have shown in the last 15 years, modernization may have the exactly opposite effect. For the benefits of modernity, whether economic or political, accrue in unequal measures to members of different ethnic groups, thus intensifying ethnic solidarity and the friction between ethnic communities. Lenin's over-optimistic view of the effect of economic development on inter-ethnic relations caused him to judge the Jewish problem in Russia in an unrealistic way, and gave his comments on that problem the appearance of ad hoc tactical pronouncements.     

The Consummate Comparative Public Administrationist: A Tribute to Ferrel Heady, 1916–2006

Ferrel Heady died on August 16, 2006, at his home in Albuquerque, New Mexico. Together with Fred Riggs, he is widely known and respected as one of the founders of comparative public administration. In this tribute to our friend and colleague, we touch on the highlights of his distinguished career as a scholar, an academic administrator, and a person who lived up to his own high standards of honesty and integrity in every aspect of his life. We assess his body of work, attempt to summarize its significance, and reproduce comments about him sent to us by his friends and colleagues. This tribute is accompanied by reflections on Ferrel written by Fred Riggs.     

恩格斯晚年对马克思主义法学的新贡献

从法学角度看,恩格斯晚年创造性地运用历史唯物主义的立场和方法,巩固和发展了历史唯物主义法学理论。恩格斯系统阐发了国家和法的起源与演进理论,批判了费尔巴哈唯心主义历史观和黑格尔唯心主义法哲学,进一步阐发了历史发展的内在辩证法;根据欧洲的新形势,恩格斯主张工人阶级要将合法斗争与“非法”斗争相结合;结合巴黎公社经验,他阐述了无产阶级新型国家和法制的基本原理,反对国家崇拜;在一系列通信中,他深入阐发了法和国家对经济关系的积极反作用和相对独立性理论,批驳了社会发展的“唯经济论”。恩格斯一系列法哲学新观点,对于当今时代深入理解法与经济的关系、法的历史发展规律、法的本质及功能、法律意识形态等问题,都依然具有极为重要的指导意义。     

Jokes and their relation to the mode of production

Abstract

The governmentality literature offers a host of insights into liberal modes of government. A key theme in this literature is that the economy came to be seen as an autonomous domain requiring its own form of governmental reason. Yet the emergence of the economy has never been specified, in terms of both what would constitute an economy and how it was constituted. Instead, the appearance of an economy has been conflated with the general rise of liberal understandings of agency. In this paper I seek to provide an alternative and more precise account. This involves showing how the importance of Smith lies not so much in his formulation of a liberal version of agency, but in the disjunction he introduces between reason of state and political oeconomy. Crucially, despite his significance, Smith's arguments do not usher in an economy. For that event we have to wait for Ricardo's problematic of distribution. This alternative account is intended to weaken the association of the rise of liberal government with the emergence of the economy as an object of thought.     

Reading <Emphasis Type="Italic">The American Political Tradition</Emphasis> in the 21st Century

Brilliantly written, powerfully argued, The American Political Tradition by Richard Hofstadter, published in 1948, is flawed for readers today because of serious gaps and omissions, in particular its lack of reference to African American figures and sources. Late in his career, Hofstadter began to broaden his range of reference, calling attention in vivid prose to the horrors of slavery during the long period of American settlement and colonization. This later emphasis exposes all the more the shortcomings of The American Tradition, yet, at the same time, it does not diminish the rhetorical power and insight of this important book. It remains a significant work of American history but, even more, we should read and respond to it now as a major achievement, a distinguished act of writing, in the field of American literature.     

Keep Rowing: Amitai Etzioni and History

Reflecting on the most recent stage of his career, the communitarian, Amitai Etzioni, gives three reasons for what he perceives as his loss of influence. First, the media prefers an argument between strongly opposed positions, but Etzioni is neither liberal nor conservative. Second, the media prefers specialized intellectuals, but Etzioni has refused to “stick to his knitting.” Third, Etzioni has taken an unpopular, dovish position on China. I argue that Etzioni is mistaken about the reasons for his and communitarianism’s rise and perceived fall and offer a more optimistic assessment than he does of the potential influence of his thought. I use this local problem of historical interpretation to question Etzioni’s global interpretation of modern history.     

George F. Kennan’s Realism

Recent studies of the career diplomat and distinguished historian George F. Kennan, and particularly a little noted intellectual biography by Lee Congdon, reveal a side of this figure that has often been neglected. Despite his reputation as a critic of the Cold War, Kennan was in fact a strong anti-Communist and profoundly conservative thinker. His conventional defenders have stressed his displeasure with vocal anti-Communism in order to create an image of him that is consistent with their left-of-center politics. This has come at the expense of playing down unfashionable opinions that Kennan expressed on a wide range of issues. Many of his opinions, which he viewed as eminently “realistic,” would have been unacceptable to his mainstream admirers even fifty years ago, were it not for his stands on the Cold War and for certain isolated statements drawn from his post-World War Two speeches mentioning racial inequality and industrial waste. What is now being published on Kennan’s life, however, provides a more balanced picture. Congdon and John Lukacs have both offered this necessary corrective to earlier views about their subject in recent biographical studies. These and other commentators are now highlighting the anti-modernist perspective from which he viewed and criticized the twentieth century.     

Prosecuting Nazi Collaborators and Terrorists: Eli Rosenbaum and Managing the Office of Special Investigations

This Administrative Profile charts the remarkable career of Eli Rosenbaum, currently the director of human rights enforcement strategy and policy in the Human Rights and Special Prosecution Section of the Criminal Division in the United States Department of Justice. Until very recently he served as the director of the DOJ’s Office of Special Investigations (OSI)that was recently merged into Human Rights and Special Prosecutions. He held the OSI Directorship since 1995 and this essay focuses on his accomplishments as the OSI director. The prosecution of Nazi collaborators now is situated in Human Rights and Special Prosecutions. During the OSI directorship, he successfully targeted and prosecuted Nazi collaborators as well as global terrorists. Mission‐specific recruitment and team building by Rosenbaum were key factors in his effective leadership at OSI. Managing this unique agency required affective (emotional) skills in addition to cognitive and technical expertise.