翻译中的文化差异(英文)

没有文化因素的语言是不存在的。两个国家语言的交流实际上就是文化的交流。跨文化交流的目的就是翻译。汉语与英语的主要区别不仅在于表达方法,语法和修辞上的不同,而且在于文化背景的不同。东西方文化的差异已经深深的影响了翻译的过程与准确性。这篇论文认为宏观的文化因素将会扩大翻译的规模和丰富翻译研究的内容。文章首先在东西文化翻译方面作了对比,然后用举例子的方法说明了自己的观点。主要从地理位置,历史传统,物质生活或经历,文化和价值这五个方面来解释的。第一个方面说明了不同的地域产生了不同的文化。第二个方面阐释了不同的历史文化作为文化的一部分在翻译中的影响。第三个方面分析了随着不同的经济发展而改变的物质生活是人们社会生活和精神生活的基础,并且深深的影响了翻译。第四个方面讨论了作为行动的基础价值观指导我们的行为而且决定了不同的文化必然会有不同的交流行为。第五个方面说明了宗教在每一种文化中都占有重要的位置。最后提出了对翻译工作中发展方向的认识。     

浅析宗教文化的英汉翻译

宗教是人类文化的总要组成部分。在西方,宗教已经渗透到社会生活、风俗习惯和文化艺术等各方面,形成西方社会的主要文化特征之一。英汉翻译不仅包含语言本身,还涉及许多与宗教文化相关的背景知识。在翻译工作中,要将语言和文化有效地联系起来,提高文化差异意识,才能更好实现跨文化交际。     

汉英互译中的文化差异

语言是人类思想感情的表达交流工具,也是文化的组成部分。随着国际交往和文化交流的扩大,不同语言之间互译的增多,不同文化的差异、交流及相互影响也必然会在语言上体现出来。翻译不仅仅是语言的转换过程,也是文化移植的过程,文化差异的存在,对两种文化信息间的转换即翻译的过程必将产生很大的影响。     

论文化融合与跨文化交际中的语言翻译

语言是文化的载体和交流的工具.文化的融合必然会反映在语言的融合上,而语言的融合又必然记录着文化融合的趋势.语言翻译,尤其是词汇翻译最能体现文化融合过程中语言融合的现象.从文化融合大环境的角度看,语言翻译不可避免地会出现一些问题,处理好这些问题对吸收异域文化和丰富本民族文化具有重要的意义.     

谈语言的不可翻译性--伽达默尔解释学语言理论研究

语言翻译问题是伽达默尔解释学的一个重要内容,翻译不仅与理解密切相关,而且是不同视域的融合过程;由于翻译涉及不同语言之间的转换,而这种转换不仅仅是形式结构的转换,更重要的是世界观的转换,所以原文与译文之间的差异和距离便无法消除.从这个意义上讲,语言的不可翻译性是一个"形而上学事实".这一问题可以透视伽达默尔关于理解、语言、存在三者的关系,而正是这一点为他的解释学本体论转向作好了铺垫.     

中美旅游网站景点宣传资料的语域差异及翻译

语言发生在一定的交际情景里,在不同的文化情景,根据不同的交际目的,语言的语域特征也不同。在旅游景点宣传资料的英译中,需要更多的考虑英语文本的语域特点,在翻译中做到功能的对等,使译文更加符合外国人的文化审美取向和情感取向,从而更好地发挥旅游文本宣传、告知、呼唤和吸引潜在外国游客的交际目的。     

从文化缺失看语义空缺的翻译

语言用来传递文化,是文化的载体.在Dagot看来是文化和语言的差异造成了语义的空缺.列举语义空缺的类型,针对不同的语义空缺提出不同的翻译策略.通过翻译语义空缺不仅能达到语言的交流,更能达到文化层次上的交流.正是这样的沟通交流,推动各民族文化的交流和融合.     

社会语言学视角下的翻译探析

语言的使用不仅因情景、地域的不同而变异,也因各种社会因素的不同而发生变化形成变体,因此翻译是与社会实际紧密联系的,其功能就是要服务于社会,因此翻译存在的理据不是语言的差异性,而是语言的社会性。     

关于文化选择中的价值取向

文化的价值取向是文化与主体需要之间的关系在人们意识中的反映,是人们对一种文化价值的主观认定、理性判断、情感体验、意志保证及其综合。文化的价值取向问题,是文化建构中一个带根本性的理论和实践问题,不同的文化价值取向体现着不同的社会价值观。     

中西方文化视角下的语言策略

习语是语言的重要组成部分,也是社会历史文化积淀下来的精华。它能够反映出一个民族在地理、宗教以及风俗习惯等方面的风貌,由此,习语所传递的文化信息也就各不相同。这就要求习语的翻译不仅要求在语言层面上进行转换,更要求在文化层面上进行转换。从文化差异入手,针对不同形式的习语提出了相应的翻译策略。     

The Strange Career of British Democracy: John Milton to Gordon Brown

Political debate in modern Britain has been structured by four narratives or traditions, called here ‘Whig imperialist’, ‘Tory nationalist’, ‘democratic collectivist’ and ‘democratic republican’. The Whig imperialist tradition goes back to Edmund Burke; it is a tradition of responsive evolution, flexible statecraft, genial optimism and abhorrence of dogmatic absolutes. It prevailed for most of the nineteenth century, for most of the interwar period and for most of the 1950s and early‐1960s. Its Tory nationalist counterpart is tense, rebarbative and often shrill. At its core lies a primal fear of the dissolution of authority and a collapse of the social order. Its most notable exponents include Lord Salisbury, Enoch Powell and Margaret Thatcher. The democratic collectivist tradition stresses ineluctable progress towards a just and rational society, to be achieved by a strong, essentially technocratic central state, with the power and will to replace the wasteful, unjust chaos of the market place by planned co‐ordination. Formative influences on it were the great Fabian socialists, George Bernard Shaw and Sidney and Beatrice Webb; it achieved its apotheosis under the Attlee Government of 1945‐51. The democratic republican tradition is much more inchoate: its exponents have been the awkward squad of British democracy. The most glittering stars in the democratic republican firmament were probably John Milton, John Stuart Mill and R.H. Tawney. It stresses active self‐government and republican self respect, embodied in a vigorous civil society and strong local authorities. During the ninety‐odd years since Britain belatedly acquired a more‐or‐less democratic suffrage, the first three traditions have all been tested, almost to destruction. But though the fourth has had great influence on social movements of all kinds, governments at the centre have done little more than toy with it, usually for brief periods. The great question now is whether Britain is about to experience a democratic republican moment.     

Trustworthiness: the Commentators

Mark Thompson deplores the decline in the public trust of government and of public service institutions such as the BBC. But there has also been a decline in another form of trust: government's trust in the ability of professionals such as doctors and teachers to deliver high quality public services. And, unlike Thompson's type of trust, this decline was inevitable, because it was based on untenable assumptions concerning professional motivation. The author discusses the importance of trust in an unwritten constitution, including trust in the use made of public resources, trust that appointments are being made on merit, trust that the civil service is ‘speaking truth unto power’ behind the scenes and ultimately trust that it retains the ability to serve future governments. In a world where trust in institutions is diminishing, there are still surprising levels of trust in the world of private philanthropy. The public are only too ready to give donations without seeking to question, especially in the wake of major disasters. Yet the nature of aid agencies has changed dramatically in the past thirty years into major global enterprises with sophisticated media and marketing operations. In this case a greater degree of scepticism from those who donate and paradoxically less trust might actually result in better outcomes from aid and better use of funding. Trust is critical to the mission of the FCO. The public needs to trust the competence and sound judgment of the professional diplomats. The diplomats themselves need to be able to rely on the commonsense of their fellow colleagues. Ministers and diplomats need to trust each other. And other governments need to have confidence in the discretion of their British counterparts. This is an increasing challenge in the world of instant news. Trust can be quickly lost by indiscreet or self‐serving revelations. But the key is to be as open and transparent as possible about the processes of diplomacy. A new survey commissioned by the British Journalism Review demonstrates that public confidence in journalism has collapsed over the last five years. This is particularly true for the commercial broadcasters ITV and Channel 4, whose journalism has traditionally commanded as much public esteem as the BBC. Trust in the BBC and print journalists has also declined, and journalism suffered more than any of the other 16 occupational groups being assessed. This is partly due to the cumulative effect of various “fakery” scandals that have afflicted broadcasters over the last 18 months and partly down to a more widespread cynicism directed at those in authority.     

The Language of Race

The 1991 Census form for households in Great Britain included, for the first time, a question about ethnic group. The question had nine boxes, eight for named ethnic groups and one for 'any other'. One box had to be ticked for each member of the household. Brian Klug discusses his own reaction to the (so-called) ethnic question, and explains why, as a Jew of European extraction, he did not tick the box marked White. He examines several issues raised by the ethnic question, including the following: why this question is different from other questions on the form; the definition and use of the words 'racial' and 'ethnic'; the vocabulary of colour ('black', 'white' etc.) in the language of race; the idea that 'white' is an ethnic category; the claim that the ethnic question is an instrument for combatting racism; one proposal for improving the question by removing the 'racial' components in the categories.     

On Public Action

Abstract

This essay explores Hannah Arendt’s contribution to our understanding of the rhetorical as opposed to the aesthetic quality of public speech, with an emphasis upon her conception of opinion and glory. Arendt’s focus on the revelatory quality of public action in speech is widely understood to preclude or seriously limit its communicative aspect. I argue that this is a misunderstanding, and that accepting it would reduce speech not merely to the discussion of a sharply limited set of topics, but to no topics at all. Public action is speech that reveals the speaker as “answering, talking back and measuring up to whatever happened or was done.” Such revelatory speech is most appropriately judged by the standard of the glorious and the inglorious. Because such speech must inform as well as reveals, so does glorious or great speech rise to the level of greatness in part because of what is said, to whom, where, and how. Arendt’s understanding of this is shown to have significant parallels to the ordinary language philosophy of Stanley Cavell.     

道德规范表现形式的历史演进

道德规范的产生和形成,有着深刻的社会经济根源,是由一定的社会物质生活条件和社会关系决定的。道德规范随着社会的发展而不断发展,具有历史性和继承性。在人类漫长的道德生活中,道德规范曾有过形态各异的表现形式,大体可以概括为图腾、禁忌、礼仪、风俗、箴言、准则、义务、责任等几种主要的表现形武。道德规范表现形式的历史演进,是一个由蒙昧到理性、由自发到自觉、由低级到高级的发展过程。     

Beyond the ‘Auschwitz syndrome’: Holocaust historiography after the Cold War

ABSTRACT

The end of the Cold war has seen an explosion in Holocaust history, and some significant changes in the main historiographical explanations. The ‘return of ideology’ that began displacing the ‘functionalist’ or ‘structuralist’ dominance of the 1980s remains strong. But it is being supplemented by very detailed regional and local studies, by analyses of different experiences of ghettoization in different places, and by a focus on the widespread plunder and corruption that accompanied the killing process. This enormous attention to detail reveals that the Holocaust unfolded differently in different places; but it also demonstrates the existence of an overall framework in which all the operations took place, what we might call an ‘antisemitic consensus’. Simultaneously, historians have broadened the discussion of the Holocaust, situating it into a transnational or world-historical context of imperialism and colonialism. Stone outlines in broad brush some of these themes, and asks what effects they have had and will continue to have on Europeans' self-understanding in an age in which the post-war anti-fascist consensus has been dismantled while Holocaust-consciousness is officially enshrined into European identity.     

'Shovelling out your paupers': The British State and Irish Famine Migration 1846-50

Gray considers the determinants of British policy towards emigration (and particularly towards state-assisted 'colonization') from Ireland during the Great Famine of 184-50. He surveys the idea of 'colonization' as advocated by Charles Buller in 1843, and its varying appeal (changing over time) in Ireland, Britain and the settlement colonies of the British empire. He also considers the issue in the light of pro- and anti-Malthusian interpretations of Irish population pressure, and the emergence of the alternative idea of 'internal colonization'. Gray argues that the failure of the state to adopt an emigration policy in 1846-50 as part of its response to the Famine was the consequence of a combination of anti-Irish prejudice in Britain and the colonies (which was sharpened by the arrival of large numbers of economic refugees in 1847 and the political conspiracies of 1848), and the prevalence of an economic doctrine that prioritized the need for Irish self-help and moral transformation over state assistance. He traces the debate over colonization within the Whig government headed by Lord John Russell, and concludes that some form of assisted emigration was a feasible policy measure, and that its rejection had adverse consequences in terms of additional famine mortality.     

Canguilhem amid the cyborgs

George Canguilhem's 1947 lecture,‘Machine and organism’,is a rich source of ideas for thinking about the relationships between living organisms and machines. He takes all tools and machines to be extensions of the bodymand part of life itself (which does not make machines any more good or bad than every living organism is good or bad). These insights are updated with a discussion of cyborgs. An account is given of the original idea of the cyborg (Clynes and Kline 1960), and of its transformations in science fiction and at the hands of Donna Haraway and Andrew Pickering. Canguilhem is profoundly anti-Cartesian, but on account oshis vision of life which breaks down the old barriers between natural and artificial, mind and body, manufactured and created.     

The Accursed Share: Bataille as Historical Thinker

Abstract

This essay addresses Georges Bataille as a historical thinker by concentrating on The Accursed Share (three volumes, 1949-54), the text Bataille took as his master-work. An amalgam of cultural criticism, anthropological and sociological research, The Accursed Share reveals Bataille's temporalised vision of his four central ideas, excess, expenditure, sovereignty and transgression. Grappling with this vision is key for understanding Bataille's oeuvre as a whole because it brings the entirety of his assessments of Western and world culture under its heading. The aim of the paper is to offer a sense, on one hand, of Bataille's dystopic heterology and, on the other hand, the unique formulation of the junctures between economics, power and morality that define him as important for the irruption of post-structural thought specifically, and indeed, the postmodern era as a whole.