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构建"人类命运共同体"需要统筹推进国际社会的新型主体关系,关涉到国际社会主体地位、主体利益和主体价值等维度。马克思的"实践主体"内蕴着实现人类社会共生发展的理论旨趣,为构建"人类命运共同体"提供了科学的主体关系思维。"劳动的实践化"推动实践主体地位的平等化,提倡以"相互尊重、平等相处"的理念构建国际社会主体地位;主体的生产关系理论指明主体利益的生成动力,要求以"合作共赢、共同发展"的逻辑构建国际社会主体利益关系;实践的人类解放性凝聚主体价值的共通性,为国际社会多元化发展确定实现和谐世界之共同价值基础。 相似文献
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坚持推动构建"人类命运共同体"是对人类政治发展的巨大贡献,是共产党人对马克思主义理想的最好践行。本文从共同发展理念在教学中的内在植入、教师和学生深入社会宣传"坚持推动构建人类命运共同体"的重要意义、激励大学生参与教师的"坚持推动构建人类命运共同体"课题研究、"坚持推动构建人类命运共同体"的大学生的国际项目交流等方面着手助力"坚持推动构建人类命运共同体"。 相似文献
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"人类命运共同体"理念深刻展示了新时代全球治理的"中国方案",促进这一理念的国际认同,既是时代发展的呼唤,也是中国实现大国复兴的要求。当前,西方话语霸权对中国的抹黑、部分发展中国家对中国的质疑以及中国自身相对孱弱的国际话语权等因素,严重制约着"人类命运共同体"理念的对外传播。为此,我们要大力增强国家综合实力,夯实话语基础;完善中国话语体系,扩大"中国声音";依托"一带一路"建设,促进理念共识。唯有如此,方能切实推动世界各国凝聚"命运共同体"共识,从而为推动构建人类命运共同体创造良好的基础。 相似文献
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正人类命运共同体理论是马克思主义在新时代中国的发展与创新。它顺应了国际与国内形势发展的要求,成为推动全球治理体系变革的新理念。它是新时代处理国际关系的中国方案,展现了中国智慧。在中国外交实践不断发展的背景下,人类命运共同体在理论与实践方面对构建和谐中国与和谐世界都有着重大意义。一、从时间维度看人类命运共 相似文献
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人类命运共同体引领着世界历史发展的大潮,推动了人类社会历史的巨变。社会工程作为"现代社会把握世界的基本方式"与人类命运共同体有着高度契合,社会工程蕴含的世界历史性、人的主体性、科学技术性与人类命运共同体根基相通、价值相融、方法相连。人类命运共同体作为一项人类通过实践改造世界的复杂和系统的社会工程,开阔了民族历史向世界历史转变的新视野,激活了人类文明发展的新形态,展现了人类社会发展的新阶段。人类命运共同体要运用社会工程思维和理念加以优化发展,以设计思维谋划顶层设计,以价值思维把握发展方向,以创新思维增添发展活力。 相似文献
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马克思世界历史理论阐释了世界历史如何形成、怎样发展以及发展归宿的问题,指出:世界历史的形成有其必然性,同时与世界市场紧密相关;世界历史靠资本扩张推进,资本"无休止的逐利性"是其发展的本质动力;世界历史从资本主义到共产主义是其发展的必然趋势。人类命运共同体理念集中提出并回答了当今世界为什么要推动构建新型国际关系、构建什么样的新型国际关系以及如何构建新型国际关系的问题,指出:推动构建新型国际关系这一要求是由世界历史发展大势和各国人民对和平发展的追求共同决定的;要推动构建以合作共赢为核心的"五位一体"的新型国际关系;打造"四种模式"推动经济增长构建新型国际关系。从二者的关系上来看,人类命运共同体理念顺应世界历史发展潮流,以实践性为核心,从实践路径、实践方式、实践主体三个方面拓展了马克思世界历史理论。 相似文献
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《理论视野》2021,(2)
"人类命运共同体"理念,是习近平在实践基础上为解决诸多世界难题提出的。同时,它与人类解放、人的平等合作和自由发展直接相关,更与中国和世界的共同发展的现实联系紧密,是对马克思主义的继承和发展。从具体继承看,"人类命运共同体"是对马克思主义"联合体"理论的升华。从全球治理看,"人类命运共同体"理念借助联合国这一全球治理体系具有广阔的实践舞台。从思想精华看,"全人类的共同价值"是"人类命运共同体"的灵魂,它包括和平、发展、公平、正义、民主、自由。但"共同价值"只是理性约束,国际法才是全球治理的硬性约束。中国在参与全球治理过程中也在推动国际制度的发展,在提升国内法治水平的同时也在加紧国际规则的制订,加快中国法域外适用的法律体系建设,以良法保障善治。 相似文献
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Marcel Danesi 《社会征候学》2013,23(4):464-476
A product is simply something that is material or substance of some kind. In order to be transformed into a brand with its own code of meanings and system of rhetorical allusions, it needs to be semiotized. And the marketing and advertising industries have become semioticians in this sense, semiotizing a product by assigning it a name, a visual sign (logo), a system of language forms (slogan, taglines, etc.), and then textualizing the brand by creating appropriate ads and commercials for it. This paper will show how this network of semiotizing events coheres into an overall macrotext to produce the brand as a sign system. 相似文献
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This paper outlines a preliminary radical plan for a constitution based primarily on recent contributions on mechanisms for choice of public goods and on constitutional rules and concepts, but based also on experience with present constitutions, corporate charters, and private arbitration procedures. It uses the standard economic perspective, disregarding such motives as herd instincts and the desire to serve the public interest. The result is markedly different from existing constitutions. 相似文献
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法治行政是构建和谐行政的根本保障。当前行政法治建设中存在的障碍对构建和谐行政仍造成一定的负面影响,具体表现在:依法行政观念淡薄;行政体制运行中存在诸多缺陷;行政执法实践中还存在诸多矛盾等。因此,在促进依法行政的前提下应实现治理理念与服务理念的和谐;执法权力与公民权利的和谐;执法中"情、理、法"的和谐;执法过程与执法结果的和谐以及执法权力与执法责任的和谐。 相似文献
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HUGH V. EMY 《Political studies》1989,37(2):188-204
This article surveys developments in recent social theory in the course of outlining a new rationale for Politics following the subject's own expansion and in the light of developments in post-empiricist thought. It suggests reasons for thinking of Politics as a cultural rather than a positive science. It outlines a number of core or primary political problems which comprise the intellectual foundations of the discipline. It suggests, overall, that Politics is especially concerned with maintaining and improving the viability of human association(s) in the light of conditions created by the rise and expansion of complex societies. 相似文献
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Sten Sparre Nilson 《Political studies》2002,50(2):354-361
Cross-pressure was introduced as a concept in political analysis half a century ago. While different forms of political cross-pressure have been noted, they are generally considered to have the effect of making citizens withdraw from politics. However, this conclusion is not always supported by data. A modified proposition is suggested in order to account for other reactions to cross- pressure that have been registered from time to time. 相似文献
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Ulrich Beck 《群星:国际评论与民主理论杂志》2003,10(4):453-468
In this article I want to outline an argument for a New Critical Theory with a cosmopolitan intent. Its main purpose is to undermine one of the most powerful beliefs of our time concerning society and politics. This belief is the notion that “modern society” and “modern politics” are to be understood as society and politics organized around the nation‐state, equating society with the national imagination of society. There are two aspects to this body of beliefs: what I call the “national perspective” (or “national gaze”) of social actors, and the “methodological nationalism” of scientific observers. The distinction between these two perspectives is important because there is no logical co‐implication between them, only an interconnected genesis and history. 相似文献
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