《欧盟宪法条约》框架下的欧盟机构改革

2004年 10月,欧盟各成员国在罗马签署了《欧盟宪法条约》,这标志着欧盟政治一体化进入了一个崭新的阶段。该条约涉及欧盟政治与经济生活的方方面面,其中最令人关注的莫过于其对欧盟机构体系所进行的改革。《欧盟宪法条约》对欧盟机构体系改革规定了诸多内容,但改革中仍存不足。     

大欧洲时代的来临--评欧盟宪法条约

20 0 4年 10月 2 9日 ,欧盟二十五个成员国的领导人在罗马正式签署了欧盟历史上的第一部宪法条约 ,欧盟终于有了自己的纲领 ,大欧洲的蓝图初现轮廓。欧盟宪法条约的签署 ,不论是对于欧盟各成员国 ,还是对于全世界 ,都是一件大事。本文从四个方面分别介绍和剖析了欧盟宪法条约出台的原因和背景、核心内容以及其前景和意义。     

《欧盟宪法条约》对欧盟人权保护的影响

《欧盟宪法条约》的通过和生效将从根本上矫正欧盟经济、政治、军事和人权的不对称性,并使欧盟的人权保护从政治层面提升到司法层面。这一条约还从根本上弥补了欧盟的“人权赤字”,并使欧盟的人权保护制度与欧洲理事会的人权保护制度相连结,使欧盟的人权保护由点扩大到面。可以期待,随着条约的生效和施行,欧盟的人权保护将逐步处于区域性和全球性人权保护的领跑地位。     

论欧盟条约中的辅助性原则

《欧盟基础条约》和尚未生效的《欧洲宪法条约》均规定了辅助性原则。虽然该原则不可避免的具有内在的模糊开放性,但仍不影响它作为一项宪法性原则的地位。辅助性原则最大的意义在于:为在欧盟和成员国或其他主体之间选择最为合适的权力行使主体提供了程序性的保障,因而提供了一个促进协调以取得平衡的重要概念空间。     

欧盟宪法危机的思考

欧盟宪法危机从本质上看是欧盟各成员国政府之间、成员国国民之间以及成员国国内政治阶层与选民之间在欧洲一体化许多根本性问题（如欧洲一体化问题、社会模式问题、欧盟作为超国家机构问题、欧盟的扩大等问题）上存在分歧。欧盟各国要继续批准宪法程序，除了进一步加快成员国之间的经济交往以外，还必须加强学者之间的交流，争取在重大理论问题上达成共识，为使欧盟宪法早日生效奠定理论基础。     

《里斯本条约》中双重表决制对欧盟的作用

2009年捷克领导人签署了《里斯本条约》后,代表着该条约在2009年12月1日正式生效。而这部条约的生效对持续了几十年的欧洲一体化进程有着非常重要的意义,双重表决制是《里斯本条约》与之前的《欧盟宪法条约》变化最大的部分。本文通过欧盟表决制度的前后变化来分析其对欧盟的作用。     

欧盟国际私法条约与荷兰国际私法

欧盟是从事区域性国际私法统一化运动较有影响的国际组织．荷兰作为欧共体最早的六个成员国之一，对欧盟的长期发展作出了重要贡献。与此同时，荷兰国际私法的理论及实成又深受欧盟通过的国际私法条约的影响．本文着重论述欧盟国际私法条约对荷兰国际私法的立法及司法实践的影响，旨在为重构和完善我国的国际私法提供可资借鉴的参考。     

法国宪法实践中对国际条约的合宪性审查

设立宪法委员会实施合宪性审查是法国1958年宪法的一大突破,其中对于国际条约的合宪性进行审查更是宪法委员会实践中的亮点之一。在欧洲一体化进程加快的形势下,作为国内的合宪性审查机构,如何实施对于国际法文件,特别是欧盟法律文件的合宪性审查是宪法委员会面临的重大难题,宪法委员会在这个方面既表现出了一定的创造性,更表现出了相当大的自我约束,这在一定程度上发展了法国的宪法制度,但也反映出其对于宪法难题的回避。     

欧盟区域刑事合作进程中的制度缺陷与对策——从《马斯特里赫特条约》到《里斯本条约》

从《马斯特里赫特条约》到《里斯本条约》,随着一体化进程的不断发展,欧盟逐步加强了对内部区域刑事合作的影响。但是,这种变化的＂代价＂则分别体现为：成员国全体一致的决策机制、＂框架决定＂立法中的＂民主赤字＂,以及成员国利用＂紧急刹车＂条款以规避关乎其切身利益的敏感立法的适用等。本文重点探讨这些制度缺陷,进而评析欧盟在相关问题上的对策。     

《里斯本条约》的生效对欧盟各国社会权发展的影响

《里斯本条约》生效后,其中引入的《欧盟基本权利宪章》也随之产生了法律效力。波兰和英国基于国内社会权保护水平的考虑对《欧盟基本权利宪章》的适用声明了条约保留。在这种情况下,《里斯本条约》将对成员国产生两种不同方式的影响。     

The Lisbon Judgment of the German Constitutional Court,the Primacy of EU Law and the Problem of Kompetenz‐Kompetenz: A Conflict between Right and Right in Which There is No Praetor1

The ECJ has long asserted its Kompetenz‐Kompetenz (the question of who has the authority to decide where the borders of EU authority end) based on the Union treaties which have always defined its role as the final interpreter of EU law. Yet, no national constitutional court has accepted this position, and in its Lisbon Judgment of 2009 the German Constitutional Court (FCC) has asserted its own jurisdiction of the final resort' to review future EU treaty changes and transfers of powers to the EU on two grounds: (i) ultra vires review, and (ii) identity review. The FCC justifies its claim to constitutional review with reference to its role as guardian of the national constitution whose requirements will constrain the integration process as a standing proviso and limitation on all transfers of national power to the EU for as long as the EU has not acquired the indispensable core of sovereignty, i.e. autochthonous law‐making under its own sovereign powers and constitution, and instead continues to derive its own power from the Member States under the principle of conferral. Formally therefore, at least until such time, the problem of Kompetenz‐Kompetenz affords of no solution. It can only be ‘managed’, which requires the mutual forbearance of both the ECJ and FCC which both claim the ultimate jurisdiction to decide the limits of the EU's powers—a prerogative which, if asserted by both parties without political sensitivity, would inevitably result in a constitutional crisis. The fact that no such crisis has occurred, illustrates the astute political acumen of both the FCC and the ECJ.     

The Treaty of Nice: The Sharing of Power and the Institutional Balance in the European Union—A Continental Perspective

This paper presents an initial response to the conclusions of the Nice Summit and the new EU Treaty which emerged from it. It consists of two parts: in the first I discuss the climate in which the Intergovernmental Conference (IGC) took place and the opening positions of the Institutions, the Member States, and the applicant countries. The results achieved at Nice are set out in the second part, with special emphasis on the themes that mark a shift of power within the Community's institutional architecture; i.e. the extension of qualified‐majority voting in the Council and the co‐decision procedure with the European Parliament, the reweighting of votes and the composition of the Institutions with a view to an enlargement which is both imminent and unprecedented in the history of the EU. I conclude that while the results of the IGC and the new Treaty of Nice fall short of what is needed in an EU with ambitions on a continental scale, they do mark another stage in the process of European integration and the permanent evolution of its constitution. In this sense, the balance of power is likely to be different from what it has been in the past. The Franco‐German axis has been severely weakened, the UK and Spain seem to be determined to play a central role, and the smaller countries are seeking to retain some influence over how the process works. New alliances are likely to emerge, particularly after enlargement, with Germany in search of a dominant position, France desperately trying to preserve the status quo, and the UK wanting to influence the direction of moves towards integration from the inside. Nice seems to mark an interim stage in this process. A new IGC has already been scheduled for 2004. There is no doubt that the post‐Nice period will be one of transition towards a new distribution of power within the EU, sanctioned by a new, highly constitutional treaty.     

投资条约仲裁制度改革的中国选择

投资条约仲裁制度有利于投资者保护,但其也存在易于导致东道国与投资者权益保护失衡等问题。中国应顺应国际上的改革大势和潮流,从实体规则和程序规则两个方面对投资条约仲裁制度进行改革,采取包括维护东道国的管理权、缩减仲裁庭自由解释条约的空间以及加强缔约国对条约解释的控制权等措施,以确保其能平衡保护投资者与东道国的权益。欧盟倡导的投资法院制度虽然对争端当事人的意思自治有一定的限制,但是能纠正投资条约仲裁制度的某些重要缺陷,中国可考虑在与欧盟的双边投资协定谈判中探索接受并改进这一制度的可能性。     

克制和应对“碎片化”:WTO协定与多边环境和人权协定规范整合的司法路径

WTO协定在应对环境贸易争端和人权贸易争端时的贸易价值优先取向加剧了国际法的"碎片化"和"不成体系"问题。为克制和应对国际法的"碎片化",促进WTO协定与多边环境和人权协定的规范整合,《维也纳条约法公约》第31(3)(c)条可作为整体解释方法的条约依据运用于WTO协定的司法解释中,但这需要专家组和上诉机构对条约"解释"和条约"适用"做出革新的认识,将整体解释方法作为自治的条约解释方法在人权和环境贸易争端中适用,而不是陷于第31(3)(c)条所述之当事国为"条约当事国"还是"争端当事国"之争。     

Referendums and the Political Constitutionalisation of the EU

Abstract:  This article argues that European integration has triggered a dual constitutionalisation process in Europe. One is the revision of national constitutions to accommodate the integration project at the national level. The other is the construction of transnational rules to regulate novel inter-state relationships at the European level. EU referendums are contextualised in such a duel constitutionalisation process. At the domestic level, EU referendums handle the debates on national constitutional revision. At the transnational level, these popular votes ratify supranational constitutional documents. The article comparatively analyses three types of EU referendums—membership, policy and treaty referendums—according to this analytical framework, exploring the campaign mobilisation of voters, national governments, and transnational institutions, and examining the legal and political interaction between referendums and European integration. A key finding is that, as the dual constitutionalisation process deepens and widens, entrenched domestic players and restrained transnational actors are under increasing pressure to 'voice' themselves in EU referendums.     

论申根协定对国际移民的影响

《申根协定》是欧洲若干国家通过政府问的合作而对跨国移民进行统一管理的国际条约,它集中体现了欧盟的移民政策。该协定基本实现了欧盟国家内部的个人自由流动,促进了欧盟一体化的进程,但其实施对国际移民也带来一些负面问题,笔者拟从《申根协定》出台的历史背景及其条款内容出发,深入探究欧盟的移民法律与政策,并就该协定对未来国际移民的影响趋势进行分析和研讨。     

The Convention Method Revisited: Does It Have a Future and Does It Matter?

Scholars have argued that the convention method has democratised the process of treaty reform and increased the legitimacy of EU constitutionalisation. This article finds that the convention method has contributed to a slightly more democratic process, but has not, in any fundamental way, improved the democratic status of the EU's treaty reform process. We should accordingly not be too concerned over the future fate of the convention method. From a democratic perspective, we should be more worried over the possible scenario that future changes to the EU's institutional structure will come about through implicit constitutional change without any formal changes being made to the treaties. The often cumbersome ratification process could thereby be bypassed, but this would also deprive EU citizens of the only real opportunity they have of influencing decisions on the overall design of the integration project.     

民主价值的司法维护机理

民主治理的理念、权利保障的意识和权力制约的价值取向是现代宪法的基本精神,维护和实现宪法的民主价值是人民主权的内在要求,也是司法的应有功能。司法的组织结构、程序机制和管辖范围决定了法院可以通过政治渠道的疏通实现形式民主与实质民主的有机统一,通过价值整合实现民主秩序结构与文化秩序结构的有机融合,通过宪法阐释实现法律意志与公众政治意愿的有机结合,从而有效解决形式民主与实质民主、集体自主与个人选择、过去的法律意志与现时的民众意愿之间的冲突。     

欧盟宪治:一种亚国家主义的解读

欧盟宪法的出现,为欧洲治理提供了全新的思路,也预示着法律在区域层次的治理中能够发挥更大的作用,欧盟宪法为何能产生,这种新的法律诞生的背景是什么?这样一部旨在独立国家主体间调节的亚国家主义性质的宪法究竟能发挥多大的作用,它又将遭遇什么问题?本文试图从欧洲治理以及欧盟宪法的性质特点、目前所遭遇的困境以及其前景等方面加以分析。