国际舞台上的中国角色与中国学者的理论契机

国际关系理论是对国际体系运行状况、运行规律的一种抽象性说明和解释。由于学者都是基于本国在国际体系中的角色和地位来进行理论思考,因此,一国所诞生的原创性国际关系理论在很大程度上取决于该国在国际体系中所处的位置。由于历史的变迁,中国在国际体系中的角色地位发生了多次变化,这种变化直接影响了中国学者对国际体系运行的理论认知。在过去相当长的一段时间里,中国要么与西方国际体系隔绝或者孤立,要么是西方体系的配角,中国没有对国际体系的原创性思考,因此也谈不上国际关系理论的建构。在21世纪的第二个十年里,中国成为国际舞台上的主要角色,这为中国提供了具有普遍意义的国际关系"核心问题"及随之而来的"问题组",从而给中国学者的国际关系研究特别是理论创造提供了难得的契机。在未来10—20年的时间里,如果中国国际关系学界能够进一步完善学术制度,并深入探索中国在国际体系中的行为特征及其带来的国际后果,中国学者有可能继美国学者和欧洲学者之后为国际关系学科贡献巨大的知识财富。     

中国的“英国学派”国际社会理论研究——张小明教授访谈

21世纪以来,中国国际关系学界对"英国学派"国际社会理论给予了较多关注。目前,对这一议题的国内研究已超越初期的译介与评述,正进一步深化,并尝试结合中国与国际社会的互动实践及思想资源进行创新思考。因此,有必要对国内相关研究情况进行阶段总结,例如,"英国学派"国际社会理论在中国的兴起背景是怎样的?国内研究的主要代表人物及不同侧重点有哪些?已有研究存在哪些不足?如何看待此研究的发展前景?为此,北京大学国际关系学院博士生刘毅专访北京大学国际关系学院张小明教授。张教授的主要研究领域包括"英国学派"国际社会理论、美国与东亚关系、中国周边安全环境等,著有《国际关系英国学派:历史、理论与中国观》《美国与东亚关系导论》《中国周边安全环境分析》等;译有《无政府社会:世界政治中的秩序研究》《理解全球冲突与合作:历史与理论》等。     

国际关系中国学派的进路——兼论国际问题研究的政策性与学术性

近年来，中国学界提出了创建国际关系中国学派的命题。创建中国学派的要义在于两个方面：一是“中国问题意识”，二是反映中国之国际观或国际政治哲学。中国学派的基本进路就是“既要研究问题，又要思考主义”。国际问题研究的政策性和学术性之间存在复杂的辩证关系。只要整个学界有一种自然的分工，研究的是真问题，或构建的是具有知识增量的理论，中国学派就将在健康的研究生态环境中成长起来。     

回到理论之后:安全研究的过去、现在和未来

本文回顾了安全研究演进的历史,特别是美国学派和欧洲学派两大理论学派的发展历程及其相互关系。安全研究在20世纪40年代首先兴起于美国,50、60年代步入黄金时代,随后又出现了短暂的衰落期。经过了几十年的发展,安全研究在20世纪90年代进入新的理论生产高峰期。如今两大学派的交流与对话共同推进了安全研究学科的发展。     

海纳百川、包容共生的“上海学派”

与中国物质性崛起相应的是,对中国的思想性崛起的追求也日益提上日程,其中就包括中国特色国际关系理论的建构。由于历史和现实的原因,上海国际关系理论研究先后经历了最初的引介西方国际关系理论和后来的自创中国特色国际关系理论两个阶段的发展,目前正迈向构建"上海学派"的道路。浮现中的"上海学派"以"共生"概念为基础,逐渐发展出以"国际共生论"为核心,以国际体系转型、全球治理、议题关联等为外围的一整套理论和方法。它表现出高度的开放性和包容性,具备宏大的历史视野,且致力于对国际关系各议题相互关系的综合性理解,以期服务于国家总体外交和上海地方发展。但由于核心理论体系尚不完善、研究方法尚不够发达、研究平台和研究团队尚不够强大,"上海学派"的真正形成仍需较长时间。"上海学派"的未来构建需要围绕"国际共生论"发展出其核心理论体系,需要秉承"共生"精神实现多学科、多方法的研究,还需要着眼于可持续发展做实研究平台、夯实研究团队、充实后备力量。     

马丁·怀特与英格兰学派的话语构建

英格兰学派兴起的主要原因在于构建出自成一体的话语体系,而马丁·怀特在该学派的话语构建过程中发挥了探索者和引路人的作用。通过区分国内社会与国际社会两种不同性质的社会,梳理现实主义、理性主义、革命主义三种国际关系的思想传统,探讨国际性与宗主性、初级与次级、开放性与封闭性国家体系的差异,马丁·怀特为英格兰学派提供了基本的概念框架和分析路径。怀特的话语构建具有充分运用分类和比较方法、注重对历史的理论化、强调连续性甚于变迁性、具有道德关怀和宗教情怀等特点,但也存在概念界定不够清晰、逻辑思路不够一致、学术视野不够开阔的局限。研究怀特话语构建的内容和形式,对于构建中国国际关系研究的话语体系具有重要的借鉴意义。     

中国和美国:霸权的更迭?

本文从国际关系理论中英国学派的视角,尤其是这一学派重要的代表性人物马丁.怀特关于霸权的理论出发,对于当前的国际秩序进行解读。虽然英国学派对大国在维护和发展国际秩序方面发挥的作用已有所认识,但是对于国际上形成唯一超级大国时如何最好地发挥这种作用还有进一     

“英国学派”的欧盟国际社会研究:逻辑与反思

欧盟国际社会是"英国学派"地区国际社会研究的重要内容之一。在"英国学派"地区国际社会研究的话语中,欧盟被视为地区概念,具有国际社会属性,遵从地区国际社会的一般逻辑,即欧盟地区的国家行为体和非国家行为体共享与全球层次和其他地区层次国际社会不同的国际社会要素。"英国学派"的欧盟国际社会研究为认识欧洲一体化进程提供了一种独特理论视角。它将欧盟国际社会分为欧盟国家间社会和欧盟世界社会(或跨国社会)两个维度,并将欧洲一体化进程与欧盟国际社会两个维度的形成和扩展联系起来。尽管如此,"英国学派"的欧盟国际社会研究表明,其地区研究仍需在理论建设、议题选择和理论应用三个方面进一步完善。     

为什么没有英格兰学派的国际政治经济学?

英格兰学派的国际社会概念内含重要的经济要素,但该学派未能发展出系统的国际政治经济学理论。与英国学派的比较表明,主要原因在于英格兰学派在学科定位、思想来源和研究议题上长期形成的思维倾向。在学科定位上,该学派坚持国际关系的研究对象是当代国家间政治关系;在思想来源上,该学派注重从国际法、政治哲学和世界历史成果中汲取养分;在研究议题上,该学派集中关注国际社会的政治和战略维度,探讨社会、制度、秩序三者之间非经济的关联性。鉴于英格兰学派与英国学派在本体论、认识论和价值论方面存在着相当程度的不可兼容性,二者难以实现深度融合。与英国学派进行对话并适当扩展自身的研究议程,当是英格兰学派今后发展优先考虑的方向。     

英国学派的新探索——从全球主义到地区主义?

英国学派是重要的国际关系理论流派,但长期以来将精力集中于全球层次而忽视对地区层次的考察。近些年,在一些学者的努力下,英国学派成功地将国际社会、国际体系、世界社会三大核心概念同地区层次的研究结合起来,同时,提出地区性国际社会形成的具体条件,即地区性关键大国的存在、对域外势力影响的成功排斥及区内国家互相承认对方国家建构的努力并不将之视为威胁。但现有研究仍然存在着极强的"欧洲中心主义",对其他地区的研究仍然停留在对相应的地区性国际社会是否形成的争论上。当然,在转向地区层次研究后,英国学派也暴露出原有理论的一些缺陷,在一定程度上使人们对主权国家推动作用及全球性共同规范这两大经典学派观点产生怀疑,这急需英国学派学者通过加强对地区层次的研究来解决。     

走自主发展之路——争论中的“中国学派”

建设国际关系学的“中国学派”不仅可能而且必要。中国崛起已经并将继续对21世纪的世界政治和经济产生重大的影响，也在一定程度上推动中国式国际关系理论的产生。中国的思想、哲学、文化为“中国学派”的产生提供了必要的知识资源。中国学界对“中国学派”国际关系学理论的探索，表明了中国学人的自信心和“成为知识的生产者”的志向。     

Do School Board Governance Best Practices Improve District Performance? Testing the Key Work of School Boards in Wisconsin

The most prominent set of school board governance best practices used in the United States is the National School Boards Association’s (NSBA’s) Key Work of School Boards. In this article, we operationalize adherence to the Key Work of School Boards with multiple survey items answered by Wisconsin school board members. Using multivariate regression models, we find that adherence to the best practices results in improved achievement in districts represented by board members who have served for five or more years. The findings support the idea that school board governance behaviors are linked to district-level academic outcomes.     

Civil society and democracy in the third world: Ambiguities and historical possibilities

The terminology of “civil society” has gained currency in recent discussions of democratic movements around the globe. Although less grandiose in its implications than claims about the “end of history,” this terminology does suggest a certain universality in human experience. We argue that this claim of universality is warranted, but also problematic. We establish the relevance of our argument in reference to the literatures in African and Indian studies. We note first that the common employments of the concept ignore the theoretical and historical specificity of civil society: civil society is used to label any group or movement opposed to the state, regardless of its intent or character, or used so generically that it is indistinguishable from the term “society.” Instead, we argue that civil society is a sphere of social life, involving a stabilization of a system of rights, constituting human beings as individuals, both as citizens in relation to the state and as legal persons in the economy and the sphere of private association. Thus, we link the wide resonance of the concept to its embeddedness in the logic of liberal capitalist society and the capitalist global division of labor. This conception allows us to see that, although the emergence of a sphere of civil society involves at least minimal democranization and is supportive of struggles for further democratization, the status of democracy is also made quite problematic by the tensions endemic to liberal capitalism and the processes of uneven development within international capitalism. Our usage also allows us to distinguish more clearly movements dedicated to the construction of civil society from those that may count actually as counter-civil society movements. David L. Blaney received his M.A. and Ph.D. at the Graduate School of International Studies, University of Denver. He is on leave from Hanover College, Hanover, Indiana as a visiting scholar for the 1993–94 academic year at The Elliott School of International Affairs, George Washington University, Washington, D.C. 20052. His main research interests include international political economy, culture and international relations theory, and democratic theory. Mustapha Kamal Pasha received his M.A. and Ph.D. at the Graduate School of International Studies, University of Denver. Currently, he is an assistant professor in the School of International Service, American University, Washington, D.C. 20016. His main research interests include international political economy, with particular regard to the Third World, and South Asian politics.     

Peace education,militarism and neo-liberalism: conceptual reflections with empirical findings from the UK

This article explores ‘peace days’ in English schools as a form of peace education. From a historical overview of academic discussions on peace education in the US and Great Britain since the First World War, we identify three key factors important for peace education: the political context, the place in which peace days occur and pedagogical imperatives of providing a certain narrative of the sources of violence in politics. Although contemporary militarism and neoliberalism reduce the terrains for peace studies in English schools, peace days allow teachers to carve out spaces for peace education. Peace days in Benfield School, Newcastle and Comberton Village College, Cambridgeshire, are considered as case studies. We conclude with reflections on the opportunities and limitations of this approach to peace education, and on how peace educators and activists could enlarge its reach.     

China and the Rest Are Only Joining the American‐Built Order

American‐led globalization has enabled the third great powershift of the last five hundred years—the “rise of the rest” following on the rise of the West and then the rise of the US as the dominant power in the West. When China, India, Brazil, Turkey and the rest sit at the table of global power with the West what will the world order look like? Will it be post‐American? Will it be culturally non‐Western, but play by the same rules of an open international order laid down by the American's after World War II? In the following pages, leading American and Asian intellectuals ponder these questions.     

The Coming Battle of the Atlantic: Euro vs. the Dollar

American‐led globalization has enabled the third great powershift of the last five hundred years—the “rise of the rest” following on the rise of the West and then the rise of the US as the dominant power in the West. When China, India, Brazil, Turkey and the rest sit at the table of global power with the West what will the world order look like? Will it be post‐American? Will it be culturally non‐Western, but play by the same rules of an open international order laid down by the American's after World War II? In the following pages, leading American and Asian intellectuals ponder these questions.     

Here Comes the Second World

American‐led globalization has enabled the third great powershift of the last five hundred years—the “rise of the rest” following on the rise of the West and then the rise of the US as the dominant power in the West. When China, India, Brazil, Turkey and the rest sit at the table of global power with the West what will the world order look like? Will it be post‐American? Will it be culturally non‐Western, but play by the same rules of an open international order laid down by the American's after World War II? In the following pages, leading American and Asian intellectuals ponder these questions.     

Conviviality,ego, team and theme behavior in transrational peace education

ABSTRACT

The Innsbruck School of Peace Studies is known for its innovative academic teaching methods under the title Transrational Peace Philosophy. This essay introduces the epistemological fundament of this approach to peace education. It presents the didactic principles for its Strategic Capacity and Relationship Building, combined with Strategic Leadership Training. They are based on the conviviality of students and a curriculum that follows the stages of groups’ task behavior and individual learning by `peeling the onion´ of the Ego. It describes how the didactics are designed for the international, intercultural, interreligious and interdisciplinary groups of students. It demonstrates the five stages of Ego, Team and Theme Behavior during a semester and how the curriculum places courses for best learning results. It discusses the main presumptions on convivial learning processes for academics. The focus is on students who want to work later in a broader field of conflict transformation.     

Is Japan Closer to the West Than Turkey?

American‐led globalization has enabled the third great powershift of the last five hundred years—the “rise of the rest” following on the rise of the West and then the rise of the US as the dominant power in the West. When China, India, Brazil, Turkey and the rest sit at the table of global power with the West what will the world order look like? Will it be post‐American? Will it be culturally non‐Western, but play by the same rules of an open international order laid down by the American's after World War II? In the following pages, leading American and Asian intellectuals ponder these questions.     

From CNOOC to Huawei: securitization,the China threat,and critical infrastructure

ABSTRACT

This article uses critical discourse analysis to examine how China has been constructed as an existential threat by the United States. Specifically, it explores how US reactions to the China National Offshore Oil Corporation (CNOOC) in 2005 created precedent for similar reactions to Huawei a decade later. It uses these case studies to demonstrate how the interplay between the China threat and security discourses of critical infrastructure has worked to successfully securitize China within broader American discourse. These examinations demonstrate a deliberate and protracted securitization of China by US elites, and they support more critical approaches to securitization theory that emphasize cumulative and incremental aspects over a securitized/de-securitized binary. Discourse analysis of key texts allows the reader to uncover how security issues are socially constructed, and discursive examinations of CNOOC and Huawei illustrate how concerns about national security are now employed in everyday American political discourse so that the China Threat Discourse has become the primary reading of China by US observers.