国际关系三大理论范式与国际安全观的建构

作为国际关系三大理论范式的现实主义、自由主义和建构主义,以不同的理论视角提出了其国际安全结构理论,并由此形成了三大国际安全观,即个体安全观、集体安全观和社会安全观。然而,国际安全问题的最终解决要求三大国际安全观之间实现互动与融合,以此推动建立一种新型的国际安全观———"合作性综合安全观"。     

人类命运共同体视域下的总体国家安全观研究

人类命运共同体理念和总体国家安全观都是习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想的重要内容。人类命运共同体理念丰富了总体国家安全观的深刻内涵,为理解总体国家安全观提供了新的视域和重要指引,明确了践行总体国家安全观的原则遵循和重要价值,对贯彻落实总体国家安全观提出了新的更高要求。总体国家安全观高举人类命运共同体的旗帜,顺应国家安全环境新变化,对国家安全发展形势的新特点、新目标、新任务的准确把握,以及对推动构建平等公正、互利共赢、和平安全的新型国际关系具有重要的现实意义。     

传统国家安全观:界限、设定及其体系

自近代民族国家产生以来,围绕着国家生存与安全这一问题,逐步形成了以民族国家为主体,以军事安全和政治安全为主要内容,以确保国家生存为基本目标的传统国家安全观.对于什么是传统国家安全观,学界的看法并不一致.本文从认识和把握传统国家安全观的界限、传统国家安全观的两个理论设定、作为理论体系的传统国家安全观三个方面进行了分析.     

女性主义国际关系理论:主题的转换与演进

女性主义国际关系理论产生于20世纪80年代中后期。从研究主题的变化看,女性主义国际关系理论的发展大体经历了两个阶段。第一个阶段,挖掘主流范式性别中立背后的性别故事,批判主流范式的男性特征,将妇女与妇女问题引入国际关系;第二个阶段,与主流范式就性别与国际关系、女性主义议题和女性主义方法论等问题展开论争,实现从国际关系的"女性化"到真正性别化的转变。目前,女性主义国际关系理论开启了理论体系和方法伦建构的进程,这是女性主义国际关系理论发展成为成熟理论范式的必由之路。     

公共安全管理需要确立新思维

<正>2014年4月15日,习近平总书记在中央国家安全委员会第一次会议上正式提出"总体国家安全观",涵盖政治安全、国土安全、军事安全、经济安全、文化安全、社会安全、科技安全、信息安全、生态安全、资源安全、核安全等11种安全。"总体国家安全观"是对传统国家安全观、     

女性的缺席与国际无政府状态

在女性主义的视域内,女性在国际关系中的缺席与国际无政府状态之关联是一个十分有意义的研究命题。作为主流国际关系理论,现实主义的重要理论预设——国际无政府状态表现出男性特征。本文沿着现实主义设定无政府状态的逻辑,从对自然状态下女性特征的解读、男性化国家的描述以及国际无政府状态的女性缺席特征三个方面进行分析,揭示了现实主义逻辑中女性之缺席与无政府状态的相关性,指出女性缺席是现实主义逻辑链条中至关重要的一环,是无政府状态的前提而非结果。     

总体国家安全观对中华民族伟大复兴的重要意义

保证国家安全,贯彻落实总体国家安全观,是实现中华民族伟大复兴的关键举措。总体国家安全观是以政治安全为根本,以人民安全为宗旨,以经济安全为基础,以军事、文化、社会安全为保障,以促进国际安全为依托,其对于中华民族伟大复兴所具有的重要意义和价值需要我们予以深刻理解,并切实将总体国家安全观的理念和要求贯彻到实现中华民族伟大复兴的各项工作之中。     

新军事变革视野中的人才安全观

传统的军事人才安全观往往注重"人才的流失"问题。新军事变革视野中的人才安全是一个体系,除人才流失外,人才质量、结构以及人事制度等方面存在的问题,都会对人才安全构成威胁。树立军事人才"大安全观",从全局性、战略性的高度来审视我军人才安全问题和我军人才安全体系的构建,既是国家安全战略的内在要求,也是推进中国特色军事变革、实施军事人才战略工程的迫切要求。     

女性主义世界秩序分析方法探究

因其对社会性别范畴的使用,女性主义世界秩序研究不仅形成了与主流范式截然不同的本体论和认识论,更在分析方法上构成了对主流范式的反叛与挑战。为了构建性别敏感的方法论框架,并在此框架内展开对国际关系的性别研究,女性主义者超越后实证主义方法,建立了独特的女性主义分析方法。批判理论、文本分析和建构主义等方法与女性主义相结合,形成了三种重要的女性主义国际关系分析方法,即女性主义批判分析方法、女性主义文本分析方法和女性主义建构主义方法。     

锐词

<正>总体国家安全观这是习近平总书记首次提出的,强调以整体的、全面的、联系的、系统的观点来思考和把握国家安全问题,构建集政治安全、国土安全、军事安全、经济安全、文化安全、社会安全、科技安全、信息安全、生态安全、资源安全、核安全等于一体的国家安全体系。其中,以人民安全为宗旨,以政治安全为根本,以经济安全为基础,以军事、文化、社会安全为保障,以促进国际安全为依托。     

China's Foreign Military Relations with Asia‐Pacific

The People's Liberation Army has always had a significant role in shaping and implementing the People's Republic of China's foreign policies. Over the past two decades, the PLA's role has increased considerably, and is likely to become even more important in the future as China develops its military capabilities and casts a broader shadow in the Asia‐Pacific region. The PLA's foreign relations program has several goals: to shape the international security environment in support of key Chinese national security objectives; to improve political and military relations with foreign countries; to enhance China's military and defense industry modernization; to provide military assistance to countries in the developing world; and, to acquire knowledge in modern military doctrine, operations, training, military medicine, administration, and a host of non-combat related areas. The PLA seeks to accomplish these goals through its military attache´ offices abroad and the use of an elaborate system of bilateral exchanges. Of these programs, the most visible relations involve high-level visits, functional exchanges, arms purchases, and ship visits.     

Moving Beyond Sovereignty? A brief consideration of recent changes in China's approach to international order and the emergence of the tianxia concept

This article examines recent trends in the evolution of elite Chinese foreign policy discussions about the normative organizing principles that should ground contemporary international politics. It finds that a pragmatic emphasis on sovereignty, albeit as a right which is flexible and far from sacrosanct, still maintains a core position within Chinese thinking in this regard. However, at the same time, a surprising reconstitution of an old world view has begun to take shape in China. More specifically, the tianxia (all-under-heaven) concept has emerged as a new reference point for some Chinese deliberations on the normative structure of international relations. While such a perspective is still of secondary importance within Chinese international relations circles, its emergence suggests that a potentially far-reaching, if still inchoate, reconsideration of international order is underway in China. Moreover, such a development may have broad ranging implications for the security dynamic that takes shape in Asia in the coming years.     

The Tenacious Tributary System

Recently, some writers on Chinese foreign relations have argued that the tributary system is a useful concept for describing imperial China's relations with its neighbors, and that it can even serve as a model for the future of international relations in East Asia. An examination of China's historical practice of foreign relations shows that there was no systematic tributary system, but instead multiple relationships of trade, military force, diplomacy and ritual. Furthermore, China's neighbors did not accept the imperial center's definition of hierarchy and subordination, but interpreted ritual relationships in their own way. Even in the 1930s, when scholars invoked Chinese history to advocate peaceful relations, they recognized the importance of military force, colonial settlement and domination in East Asian state relationships. The current myth of the tributary system ignores historical reality and misleads us about China's true position in East Asia and the world.     

Chinese Strategic Culture and the Use of Force: moral and political perspectives

This article reviews and explains Chinese attitudes towards the use of force in international affairs, especially from the perspective of strategic culture. The author traces back the traditional values which originated from ancient Chinese thoughts and also researches Mao Zedong's perception of war, which symbolizes the contemporary Chinese military strategic theory, and Deng Xiaoping and Hu Jintao's discourse on war thereafter, which represents the beliefs of the Chinese government after adopting the opening-up and reform policy. The case studies of the Korean War, the Vietnam War and the two Iraq Wars further explore the principles which dominate the diplomatic decision-making processes. The article concludes that China, in the predictable future, will still firmly adhere to the principles of state sovereignty, non-interference and non-use of force principles, while at the same time China will not hesitate to participate in the multilateral operations which are ratified with UN Security Council authorization and contribute increasingly to improving humanitarian situations due to its moral and political understanding of the use of force in international relations.=     

Protection of Women's Rights in the National Governance of Contemporary China

The development of women's rights is a specific field in modern national governance.The essence of women-related issues in modern times lies in the political and legal systems based on gender inequality and the unequal male-female relationship established by male chauvinism, which has further created domination over and prejudice against women.Since the founding of the New China, especially after the launch of reform and opening-up, the Communist party of China and the state have attached great importance to the protection of gender equality, bringing about the continued improvement of the protection of women's rights.However, due to various economic and social barriers, there is still a long way to go to achieve full gender equality.To understand the issue of women's rights from the perspective of national governance and apply the concept of modern national governance to the protection of women's rights, it is imperative to pay great attention to the substantive equality concept in the protection of women's right during the national governance process, take empowering women as an important approach, raise women's gender equality awareness, and recognize, grant, enhance and guarantee women's individual rights .     

新环境下国家安全战略理论的思考

总结过去 ,面对新的国际安全形势 ,有必要对传统的国家安全战略理论进行深刻的反思 :国家安全威胁并非一定来自某个大国 ,而是来自一个国家的战略意图 ;绝对军事优势不一定能保障国家的绝对安全 ;在和平时期 ,军事结盟不是维护国家安全的必要形式 ;国防和军队建设应从确定战略对手为主转向增强能力为主 :军事实力威慑不是维护国家安全的最好形式。     

US Arms Transfer Policy to Taiwan: From Carter to Clinton

The US has maintained a keen interest in Taiwan's military security for decades, and US arms transfer to Taiwan has become an especially important issue for both China and Taiwan since the normalization of US-China relations. This study attempts to examine US arms transfer policy toward Taiwan since the late 1970s. What factors have been involved in the formulation and implementation of US arms transfer policy? How have structural changes in the international system, such as the end of the Cold War, affected the policy? Since the Taiwan Relations Act in 1979 allowed continued sales for Taiwan's security and the US-PRC Joint Communique on 17 August 1982 agreed to decrease arms sales to Taiwan, how has the US resolved the contradiction between the two sets of policies? Finally, what is the effect of US arms transfer on Taiwan's national security and defense industry?     

论妇女解放、妇女发展和妇女运动

“妇女解放”这个概念有特定含义,有针对性,不是“发展”这个概念所能代替。妇女解放可分为阶级解放、社会解放、人类解放(或彻底解放)三个阶段,我国现在处于社会解放阶段。妇女发展属于人的发展的子系统,要从人的发展角度来思考妇女发展,确定促进妇女发展需要做的事情。社会主义初级阶段妇女运动的任务,一是推进以男女平等为目标的妇女进一步解放,二是促进以提高妇女综合素质和主体发展为目标的妇女发展。前者是根本任务。     

中国共产党妇女就业保障思想与实践的发展

本文主要考察新民主主义革命时期、社会主义建设时期和改革开放以来中国共产党妇女就业保障的基本政治主张、保障方式和内容以及保障特点。党自创立起就确立了保障妇女就业权的基本理念,制定了具体的劳动保护措施,并逐渐建立起以就业权保障、劳动保护制度和生育保险为核心的妇女就业保障体系,以法制保障妇女就业权和同工同酬权,不断推进妇女就业保障的社会化、多元化和系统化。