努力促进台湾青年中国认同的形成和强化

<正>当代台湾青年成长的30多年,岛内政治、经济和社会情况发生了巨大变化,两岸关系也发生了巨大变化,都深刻地影响到台湾年轻世代的政治心理。相较于年长群体,尤其是外省第一代而言,台湾年轻人在大陆缺乏亲缘联系和生活经历,对于大陆有陌生感和疏离感,对中国的认同"先天不足"。岛内的政治社会和舆论环境中充斥分离主义元素,则是造成台湾青年中国认同薄弱的主因。在政治方面,"台独"势力30年来不遗余力地从事分裂活动,使"台湾主体意识"的影响不断扩大。"台湾主     

从互补到互斥：“凤凰男”和“孔雀女”爱情与婚姻的异化

"凤凰男"和"孔雀女"是我国城乡二元社会体制之下的产物,其身上带有非常明显的家庭出身和社会阶层印记。在爱情中,"凤凰男"的能力出众、责任心强、感情专一等特征吸引了"孔雀女",而"孔雀女"的家境优越、面容姣好、单纯可爱等特征吸引了"凤凰男"。在婚姻当中,"凤凰男"的盲目自大、代际纠缠、敏感多疑等特征被"孔雀女"所排斥,而"孔雀女"的自我中心、奢侈浪费、刁蛮任性等特征被"凤凰男"所排斥。在从爱情步入婚姻的过程中,受"致命的吸引力"的影响,"凤凰男"和"孔雀女"之间的关系也从互相吸引异化成为互相排斥。     

台湾留日学生与1950-1981年间的县市长选举

日据时期台湾留日学生是一个资本总量雄厚的社会阶层，在1950年到1981年间的台湾县市长选举中参选积极，当选率也很高。日本政治文化通过他们影响了台湾的县市长选举。     

台湾能否突破经济增长的“极限“?

最近,在台北举办的"两岸财经贸论坛"上,台湾宏碁集团董事长施振荣表示,台湾经济发展已到了一定的限度,两岸"三通"是台湾突破成长极限的关键.他说,"三通"对货物的成本、人的时间成本都有明显的实质影响."三通"好处不仅于此,如果无法实现"三通",台湾经济真正的问题会逐渐显露出来.     

正视大陆与东盟开创的大市场

<正>台湾《旺报》今日发表云南大学周边外交研究中心教授卢光盛的评论文章指出,对于台湾而言,发展与东盟关系是台湾当局的一项重要工作。这些年来的台湾"南向政策"也好,"新南向政策"也罢,总体上乏善可陈、收效不大,在可见的将来也看不到改善的希望,反而可能会遇到更多的挑战。在此背景下,是不是要考虑新的思路、新的方向和新的重点,需要台湾各界人士更开放、更长远、更负责地考虑问题、谋求转变。具体到中国—     

台湾民意的三个层次

本文认为台湾民意有三个层次:一,"台湾民意"有"一般意见"与"政治态度"之分,是可以改变的、多元的;二,"台湾主流民意"有具体问题与总体发展之分,当前涉及台湾前途与两岸关系的主流民意有两岸关系和平稳定、维持现状以及"台湾认同"等;三,"台湾认同"的形成有其国际因素、内部因素以及大陆因素,它是一种正常的现象,不等同于政治态度,"认同台湾"与"认同中国"并不一定互相对立。研究台湾民意的重点在于研究"台湾认同",需要多学科、综合性的研究。     

政党纷争下台湾青年社会政治心态分析与思考

当代台湾青年的社会政治心态反映了台湾青年对处于裂变中的台湾社会的政治制度和政治生活的基本评价 ,其特征有明显的矛盾性。台湾青年矛盾的社会政治心态与政治转型期台湾特殊的社会政治背景相联系。台湾青年对台湾社会政治昌明的渴求和对台海和平的期盼 ,及台湾同胞的爱国主义传统 ,为争取实现和平统一提供了心理和思想基础。为此 ,我们必须加大对台政策宣传 ,努力促进台湾青年对祖国大陆的了解和信任。     

从性别和家庭视角看“单独两孩”政策对女性就业的影响

正一、"单独两孩"政策之潜在影响:女性就业蒙上阴影与所有公共政策一样,"单独两孩"政策承载着社会功能、经济功能和政治功能等诸多功能,其影响是多面向的。首先,生育政策的变化将直接影响到生育水平即人口数量的变动,有利于提升家庭抵御风险的能     

台湾“第三势力”崛起下两岸政策调整的应对建议

从"党外时期"到"第三势力"的崛起,台湾地区政党政治的发展,在近三十余年来,变化巨大,从国民党的权威控制,到蓝、绿两党的均衡竞争,台湾民众在一定程度上已取得参与政治的话语权,但由于对执政党的不满及对反对党的失望,台湾近年来的政治生态中,出现了"第三势力"。这股力量在2014年"太阳花学运"与"九合一"1选举后,成为台湾政治舞台上不可忽视的一股力量,他们未来的整合与可能影响力尚待观察,但第三势力的形成与其对台湾政党政治与选举的结果,却已经产生实质的影响。深度剖析台湾政治新势力的出现原因和影响,大陆能够以此为据,调整未来对台政策,做到胸中有数,变中求稳。     

国民党第18次全代会临时会议观察

马英九在致词时痛批民进党的"烽火外交"和"锁台政策"导致台湾经济日益衰弱,"想起来有时候都要掉眼泪";但如今曾经担任过扁朝高官的都来竞选5都市长,"他们过去8年做这么多对台湾有害的事情,我实在看不出来,人民值得去信任他们"。岛内有舆论认为,马英九终于学会选举语言。     

台湾的社会流动——基于跨时间段的比较分析

阶级和贫富分化问题是近年来台湾社会的一个热点问题。本文通过对代际和代内流动的分析以及对不同时间段社会流动的比较分析,发现台湾的代际流动性整体上较高,并没有形成明显的阶级边界,而代内流动在整体上呈封闭趋势,特别是向上流动的阻力越来越大,阶级的边界正在形成。台湾的阶级关系处于一种"半结构化"的状态。     

From functional integration to structural readjustment: Taipei–Beijing relations and the role of the United States

Regardless of the continued stalemate in the political arena, trade and economic interactions between the two sides of the Taiwan Strait have increased steadily. Both aggregate data and the results of survey research have testified to the existence of functional integration of the two societies across the Taiwan Strait. In addition to functional integration, structural readjustments have also been made by political authorities both in Taipei and Beijing so as to facilitate continuity of trade and economic relations. These types of mutual accommodations include: establishing proper ‘unofficial’ agencies on both sides to serve as instruments of practical contacts and negotiation; the more flexible definition of ‘One China’ by Beijing; and the opening of ‘small links’ between Quemoy and Amoy by Taipei. Beijing's refusal to grant Taipei any official diplomatic status and Taipei's reluctance to accept the ‘One China’ principle remain major obstacles to cross‐Taiwan Strait relations. The United States will continue playing a key role in future cross‐Strait relations. Beijing seems to be content, at least temporarily, to maintain cordial relations with the United States in exchange for the latter's adherence to the ‘One China’ principle and rejection of the option of Taiwan independence. Whether Taipei will use enhanced US commitment to Taiwan's security to strike a better deal with Beijing for gradual cross‐Strait integration or to utilize increased American protection to move onto the separatist road will be affected by domestic politics in Taiwan, future US policy toward to the island, and Beijing's response to Taipei's demand for security and international recognition.     

试析闽台庙际关系的多重形式

当前,闽台宫庙之间的交往呈现出多样化的特征,既有祖庙和分灵宫庙之间的"分灵—进香—巡游"关系,同祀宫庙之间的联谊关系,地缘宫庙之间的交陪关系,也有某种特殊缘分导致的交往关系。首先,闽台庙际交往的多重形式是闽台民众在边陲环境下模仿中华主流文化的过程中逐渐形成的,它使得中华主流文化在闽台地区流传不息;其次,闽台庙际关系是通过人与人之间的交往实现的,庙际关系的多重性实际上反映的是闽台民众交往的频密性;再次,庙际关系网能够带来社会资本的生产,闽台庙际关系的多重形式在一定程度上也是宫庙积极投资关系网的行为促成的。     

两岸政经互动：理论探索与路径选择

2008年5月以来,两岸双方在反对“台独”、坚持“九二共识”的政治基础上,开创了和平发展的新局面。两岸政治关系有所改善,经济关系突飞猛进,然而两岸政治关系的相对滞后已明显妨碍到两岸经济关系的进一步深化。在两岸关系步人“深水区”之后,两岸双方应积极采取有效措施,维护巩固“一中框架”,加强法律制度建设,开启政治对话进程,深化媒体交流合作,努力推进两岸政治关系与经济关系的良性互动,为巩固与深化两岸关系和平发展提供有力保障。     

Beyond Power Politics: institution-building and Mainland China's Taiwan policy transition

Facing the ever-growing interdependence across the Taiwan Strait, Mainland China's strategy towards Taiwan is undergoing a profound change, that is, transcending the staunch realpolitik mentality and turning to an institutional arrangement in policy making. Especially since President Hu Jintao took up his position, the Mainland has endeavored to improve cross-Strait relations through the institutionalization of a series of sensitive issues, such as the proposals and signatures of some long-term accords aiming to advocate economic cooperation, promote social exchanges, weaken political opposition and foster mutual trust. By taking the Mainland's national development strategy shift, Taiwan's domestic reality and ‘institution deficit’ in cross-Strait relations into consideration, this paper analyzes the reasons, efforts and features of the Mainland's recent institutional-orientated policy transition.     

China's good neighbor policy and its implications for Taiwan

Chinese leaders in recent years have been following a coherent policy toward Asia that emphasizes moderation and accommodation while preserving core PRC interests. China's prevailing ‘good neighbor’ policy approach—backed by improvement in US–China relations—provides important opportunities and challenges for Taiwan. It clearly inclines the PRC leaders to avoid more aggressive or harder‐line tactics in the mix of carrots and sticks that makes up China's recent approach toward Taiwan. To follow a more disruptive course would undermine the influence and advantage Beijing has been seeking with its ongoing moderate approach toward the United States and other Asian powers. The main challenge for Taiwan is how to deal with the current balance of carrots and sticks in China's policy. Much depends on the ability of Taiwan's leaders and populace to turn the prevailing balance in PRC policy to Taiwan's advantage. This presumably will involve reviving their economy, promoting effective governance and prudent defense, while consolidating relations with the United States and managing tensions in cross‐Strait relations to the advantage of Taiwan's future security and development. Unfortunately, there is no political consensus on Taiwan to mobilize domestic resources and opinion in a concerted effort to protect Taiwan's future as an entity independent of PRC control. Those outsiders who have followed with positive interest Taiwan's remarkable development over the past decades hope that Taiwan makes good use of the opportunities posed by China's good neighbor policy to adopt prudent and concrete measures beneficial to Taiwan's long range prospects.     

光复初期（1945-1949）福建与台湾之经济贸易关系

台湾光复以后，福建与台湾两省的关系进入全新的发展阶段。1945-1949年短短四年间，抗战爆发后全面断绝的闽台经贸关系得以迅速恢复和发展。在闽台两省交通、邮电和汇兑恢复的基础上，光复初期的闽台经贸关系在多个层面得到迅猛发展：两省频繁互派经济考察团并举办博览会，商业贸易和物资交换渐趋活跃，技术合作和相互投资蓬勃开展。这一时期的闽台经贸关系，呈现出形式多样、互补性强和受时局影响较大等特点，在一定程度上促进了战后两省社会经济和生产建设的恢复和发展。     

在大陆的台湾青年社会适应性与满意度分析

台湾青年在大陆求学、就业或生活的整体适应情况与满意度是值得我们关注的问题。调查显示,在大陆的台湾青年社会适应性主流是客观理性、积极向上、主动作为的,多数台湾青年对自己在大陆求学或就业的整体满意度较高;超六成被调查者表示能主动适应两岸文化差异,并能客观理性看待大陆政治体制。但两岸政治生态、价值观念、文化氛围、社会发展程度及社会结构的差异,大陆惠台政策重制订轻落实的制度缺失,台湾青年自主择业或创业难度大,身份尤其是户籍难以得到有效解决等问题也对他们的社会适应造成困扰。＂主动调整＂成为当前大多数台湾青年在大陆求学、就业或生活的首选策略。     

Economic interdependence and political divergence: The emerging pattern of relations across the Taiwan Strait

Economic interactions between Taiwan and mainland China have grown at an astounding speed since the Taipei government began to relax restrictions on indirect trade with the mainland in the late 1980s. A growing flood of cross‐border investment and trade has created an economic interdependence. However, intensified economic exchanges have not spilled over into political recognition of the legitimacy to each other or even ameliorated hostility across the Taiwan Strait. Growing economic interdependence has been a function of political power and political choice. This paper examines the emerging pattern of the relations across the Taiwan Strait and attributes the discrepancy between economic and political relations to significant disparities across the Taiwan Strait, which has worked as both integrative and disintegrative forces.     

冷战后台湾与东盟政治关系发展研究

冷战结束以来,台湾与东盟国家进一步加强彼此间在政治关系领域的互动和交流,双方的政治关系取得了一定的进展和提升。在两岸成功签署ECFA之后,台湾—东盟关系的发展趋向更受到各界的广泛关注。尽管台湾与东盟政治关系的进展在很大程度上是经济利益驱动的结果,但客观上台湾与东盟政治关系的提升和加强在很大程度上增加了中国大陆的外交成本。因此,考察冷战后台湾与东盟政治关系的发展演变,对于制定相关对策具有重要的现实意义。