韩国对朝人道主义援助及其政策

为了帮助朝鲜救灾,帮助朝鲜民众安度生活,韩国自1995年朝鲜受灾起开始对朝鲜进行人道主义援助,迄今已历15年有余。2000年以来,在金大中政府的"阳光政策"、卢武铉政府的"和平繁荣政策"引导之下,韩国对朝援助在深度和广度上都比以前有明显的进展。但是,朝鲜的粮食供应状况始终未能得到改善,并且朝鲜还在2006、2009年先后进行令韩国担心的两次核试验。为此,时至李明博政府时期,韩国对朝鲜在以前实行的包容政策上有所后退,转向实施以实用主义外交为中心的强硬政策,韩国对朝人道主义援助因此逐渐削减。     

剖析美朝"黑名单"问题之争

美国把朝鲜列为支持恐怖主义国家,是布什政府把朝鲜定为"邪恶轴心"和"暴政前哨"的核心理由之一,是美国严厉打压朝鲜、造成朝美关系长期对立和紧张的一个根源。美国把朝鲜列入"支恐"黑名单问题早于朝核问题的出现,现在布什政府将两者联在一起,即将朝鲜在无核化问题上的进     

体系压力、威胁认知与韩国在中美之间的战略选择

随着中国综合国力的增长以及中美在亚太主导权竞争的加剧,作为地区重要的中等强国,韩国如何在中美之间进行战略选择日益成为学界关注的重要问题。本文以韩国加入亚洲基础设施投资银行(AIIB)、韩国部署萨德反导系统、韩国在南海问题上的行动为例,分析了韩国在中美之间战略选择的特点及决策影响因素。研究发现,第一,"安全上靠美国,经济上靠中国"的战略定义不足以全面说明韩国在中美之间的战略选择特点,韩国的战略选择具有多样性。第二,体系压力、自身的安全认知是影响韩国在中美之间战略选择的重要因素。其中,对于韩国来说,抵御来自朝鲜的安全威胁优先于防范中美博弈给韩国带来的安全风险。具体来说,如果某一议题涉及朝鲜威胁,韩国通常采取跟随美国的战略;如果不涉及朝鲜威胁,韩国则会选择迎合一方但不损害另一方的"对冲"战略。     

中国学者对冷战后韩国对朝鲜政策的研究现状

本文梳理了中国学者关于冷战后韩国对朝鲜政策的研究现状:对韩国对朝鲜政策的历史沿革的介绍,对韩国对朝鲜政策的特点的分析;对影响韩国对朝鲜政策的因素分析,包括对韩国国内变量、朝鲜变量、其他外部因素变量等的分析。同时,本文还指出了国内研究韩国对朝鲜政策的不足之处。一、系统地梳理了韩国对朝鲜政策有关韩国对朝鲜政策的历史沿革,中国学者进行了翔实的介绍。曹中屏等概述了韩国政府不同时期对朝鲜政策的演变情况,时间段为第一、二共和国时期至金大中政府时期。①孟庆义等介绍了韩国历届总统对朝统一方案,内容包括李承晚至卢武     

朝美核框架协议的签订及前景展望

朝美核框架协议的签订及前景展望曹丽琴一、朝鲜的核开发问题进入９０年代以来，在朝鲜、韩国的总理会谈中，在朝鲜同美国、朝鲜同日本的有关会谈中，韩国、美国、日本等均指责朝鲜在开发核武器，要求朝鲜在核安全协定上签字并接受国际原子能机构的检查。其依据是美国和法...     

六方会谈:"朝核"背后的若干问题

"朝核问题"是东北亚区域冷战的产物.多年来,朝鲜一直游离于东亚区域安全环境之外,其自身"不安全感"一直没有得到解决.美国从其全球战略出发对朝鲜施压,是爆发危机的直接原因.问题的解决,仍然应当在"六方会谈"的框架下,建立"朝核问题"与"朝鲜安全关切问题"合而为一的机制,最终实现朝鲜半岛无核化.     

试析卢武铉政府的"均衡者外交"

2005年韩国卢武铉政府提出"东北亚均衡者外交"战略,其主要内容为维系、发展韩美同盟关系,和平解决朝鲜核问题,深化韩朝和解合作,平衡发展与中、日、俄的双边关系,谋求建立地区多边安全合作机制.这一战略的实施主要缘于卢武铉政府对往届政府外交思想的继承与发展和卢武铉总统独特的地缘政治观,同时也是韩在综合研判自身国力及其战略环境后做出的战略抉择.这一战略的推行将给朝鲜半岛形势、韩美同盟关系及东北亚地区安全形势带来重大影响.     

国家自主性与朝鲜半岛的未来

由于朝鲜接连进行的第四次和第五次核试验以及韩美在半岛部署"萨德"等事件的影响,东北亚局势再一次受到世人的瞩目。关于如何看待和解决这些局势变化所带来的危机问题,学者们又展开了新的探讨。本文拟从国家自主性理论与国家决策行为的关系角度,分析朝鲜半岛两个当事国家在对外政策选择方面的行为逻辑,指出影响朝鲜和韩国决策方向的主要因素分别在于国内政治和大国战略方面,并针对这两个方面提出打造经济朝鲜、韩国从"均衡者"向"协调者"转变的两个方向性建议,认为只有在政策选择中弱化权力政治导向,加强治理和经济导向,才有朝鲜半岛和东北亚的未来。     

对外交流与学术动态

12月19日,韩国"韩中论坛"事务总长李充阳、现代中国研究会理事长金荣国、朝鲜大学政治学博士金弘明拜访我研究所,就当前韩国政局变化、中韩关系的发展前景等问题,与我研究所有关人员进行了广泛、深入的讨论。12月21日,日本伊藤忠商事CI技术销售公司来我所,就日本官方开发援助(ODA)项目的实施情况与我进行探讨。我所     

“萨德入韩”与东北亚的“安全困境”:基于新现实主义的分析

当前东北亚地区扑朔迷离的形势可视为朝鲜核试验、萨德入韩以及美国的"亚洲回归"政策共同、交互作用的结果。美国的"亚洲回归"以及转而实施"亚太再平衡"政策其旨在应对中国的崛起,对中国进行"战略封锁"。在此背景下,朝鲜核试验(第四、五次)、朝鲜频繁的导弹试射、韩国部署萨德系统等破坏了东北亚既存的和平共处和战略均衡局面,大有使韩美日和朝中俄回归到"冷战式对立"之势,东北亚可能再现"新冷战"格局,地区"安全困境"也将日趋严峻。本文认为,美国积极推进"萨德入韩"的根本动因在于:一方面向日益紧密的中韩关系打入楔子,另一方面要实现对中俄的战略遏制。韩国同意部署萨德本身,一方面是没有充分认识到它的负面影响,另一方面则是明显的战略误判。"萨德入韩"使得半岛局势急转直下的同时,也使得半岛成为东北亚各国回归传统战略博弈的主战场。中国之所以对韩国同意部署萨德的行为产生怀疑并敏感的反应,原因在于萨德系统不能有效应对朝鲜的攻击,而是为了弥补美国应对中国的导弹防御系统(MD)的缺口。从这种意义上说,部署萨德的负面影响将日益凸显:一是它并不能减少朝鲜的安全威胁,反而有可能刺激朝鲜而使得韩国更加不安全;二是中韩关系将因此严重受损,两国政治、经济、人文交流与合作必将受到冲击;三是东北亚地区将可能再次回归到两极对立状态,朝鲜半岛的安全困境将日益深化。     

从陈水扁宣布"终统"看美对台政策的困境

2006年2月27日,台湾当局宣布正式终止“国统会”与“国统纲领”的运作与适用,“台独”活动进一步升级。美国虽表示反对“废统”,布什政府也多次对台施压,但陈水扁仍一意孤行。美国约束“台独”举措收效甚微的主要原因在于其自相矛盾的对台政策。未来两年,陈水扁将把“宪改”作为其政策主轴,在“法理台独”上越走越远。美国面临两种选择:要么放任“台独”活动导致台海危机甚至中美对抗,要么采取清晰战略遏制“台独”、防止其冲击中美关系的基础。美应立足中美合作与维护亚太安全的战略高度,以新的思路调整对台政策。     

国际邪教组织——“统一教”

统一教又称“统一协会”或“统一教会”,全称为“世界基督教统一神灵协会”(Holy Spirit Associationfor Unification of World Christianity,简称UC),由韩国人文鲜明(Moon Sun Myung)于1954年创立。一些西     

Early American Views Regarding European Unification

This article examines the origins of US foreign economic policy in the post-1945 period and the major challenges posed to US policy by European economic integration and the establishment of a multilateral trade regime. US post-war economic planning began in the early stages of World War II. The US promoted bilateral trade agreements based on reciprocity and most-favoured-nation principles. During the war, US policy makers debated the merits of various plans to provide economic and financial assistance to Europe based on the assumption that Nazi Germany would be defeated. The plans for economic reconstruction of Europe were made under the premise that US economy would benefit from the creation of export markets in Europe. However, US policy makers were also concerned that the creation of a unified European market could potentially constitute a challenge to US economic hegemony and perhaps a political threat should Europe fall under another tyrannical regime. US policy therefore pursued twin tracks: it promoted economic reconstruction and integration in Europe; at the same time, it facilitated the establishment of an international trading regime that would promote principles of liberalised trade, support US economic growth and contribute to the development of a free enterprise capitalist trading system. This article illustrates that US economic planners in the 1940s were aware of the benefits and risks of European economic integration, seeking to balance European economic reconstruction with the establishment of a robust multilateral trading system.     

Theory as Thought: Britain and German Unification

Inspired by Rudra Sil and Peter Katzenstein's call for analytic eclecticism and making use of newly available, previously classified archival documents, we distill the essential logics of realism, neoliberal institutionalism, and constructivism and examine their role in shaping the debates amongst British policymakers in the context of German unification in 1989-90. We find that, although all the theoretical logics help shape the policymaking surrounding unification, none stands alone as a basis for understanding social reality. Indeed, all functioned together as British policymakers thought in terms of theory to make sense of German unification. The logic of realism clearly played an important role in shaping the perceptions of top British leadership, particularly Margaret Thatcher, of German unification as a problem. But realism did not determine the solution to the "problem." Instead, British policymakers drew on the logic embedded in neoliberal institutionalism, turning to institutions to manage the unification process. The reason for this can be found in the role of constructivist logics-particularly identity and rhetorical entrapment-that constrained British policymakers to cooperative policy options. By taking this approach, this article makes several important contributions. First, it sheds light on British policy during a critical historical moment. Second, it significantly improves understanding regarding Germany's historical and current place in Europe. Third, it ties major theoretical traditions together through a foreign policy analytical approach, and in the process suggests that many of the theoretical boundaries separating scholars are overdrawn. Finally, the article pushes international relations scholars to keep in mind the complex relationship between reality and theory. In the final analysis, bringing to bear these three perspectives highlights the complexity of the processes that produced British policy-and by extension those that shaped German unification-as well as the importance of breaking free of the strictures of the ideas versus materiality debate.     

非洲联合自强步入新时期

20 0 1年非洲成立了“非洲联盟” ,推出了“非洲发展新伙伴计划” ;在世界经济普遍不景气中 ,是唯一保持持续增长的地区 ;冲突的预防、处理和解决也取得一定成果。与此同时 ,中非关系得到进一步发展 ,中非合作论坛后续工作进展顺利。新世纪之初 ,非洲开局良好 ,但未来“非洲复兴”之路并不平坦。     

邓小平和平统一祖国的战略构想

邓小平制定的"和平统一、一国两制"的伟大战略思想是我们解决台湾问题、实现祖国完全统一的指导思想.21世纪初的国际风云变幻给我们解决台湾问题带来了新的机遇和挑战.在这种情况下,重新学习邓小平关于祖国统一问题的论述是十分必要的.     

世界政治大局与中国安全、统一、强盛问题

文章是对世界政治大局和中国在这一大局下安全形势与发展战略的思索.文章认为,21世纪具有变更而非稳定的时代特征,在这一时代特征的支配下,中国必须解决的一个基本问题就是如何认识美国及以其为首的西方共同体在世界价值范围与国际规则体系方面的总体优势.     

'His Finest Hour?' George Bush and the Diplomacy of German Unification

This article examines the diplomatic record of the Bush administration with particular reference to its role in German unification. Based upon memoir material and new sources made available since 1989, it argues that the administration in general - and George Bush in particular - played an indispensable role during these critical years. First, Bush's unequivocal support for unification drove the process forward and reinforced Germany's commitment to NATO. By reassuring countries like France, the US also managed to compel reluctant Europeans to accept unification. Finally, by working closely with Gorbachev and Shevarnadze, Washington was also able to persuade the USSR to accept what many had once thought quite unacceptable to the Russians: a united Germany within NATO. Given the part that the President played in all this, the authors suggest that the generally accepted view of Bush as a politician without purpose or plan has to be questioned. The 'statesman without a vision' who emerges from this reading of events is seen as having been a more forceful and effective diplomatic leader than some of his critics have been prepared to concede.