中亚和北高加索地区伊斯兰极端势力的活动及警示

20世纪70年代后,世界范围内伊斯兰运动的复兴,促使原苏联地区特别是中亚和北高加索地区的伊斯兰势力迅猛发展,并同时催生伊斯兰极端势力。苏联解体后,中亚和北高加索地区一些觊觎国家政权和图谋实现民族独立的宗教极端势力,以"圣战"的名义向世俗政权发难并进行民族分裂活动,致使中亚各国的安全和俄联邦的领土完整受到严重威胁。中亚和北高加索均属原苏联管辖的领土,这两个地区宗教极端势力产生和发     

九一一事件后中亚宗教极端势力的重组

20 0 1年九一一事件之前宗教极端势力在中亚有两个高峰期,表现形式为传播激进思想、制造恐怖事件和进行武装袭击。美国打击塔利班使中亚宗教极端势力遭到重创,之后中亚宗教极端势力分化、重组成“乌兹别克斯坦伊斯兰运动”、伊斯兰解放党、中亚伊斯兰运动和“社会”等组织。本文详细阐述了九一一事件后中亚宗教极端组织的分化与重组,比较分析了九一一事件前后中亚宗教极端势力的变化,并认为,中亚宗教极端势力在向“全球化”、政治化和反西方化的方向进一步发展,是未来中亚国家社会安宁与政局稳定的潜在威胁。     

中亚伊斯兰极端主义

中亚是伊斯兰极端主义非常活跃的地区,目前它已成为宗教反对派的一个重要组成部分.近年来,以伊扎布特为代表的极端势力越来越多地介入社会生活的各个方面,参与总统和议会选举,积极获取政治权力.极端主义已对地区稳定、国家安全造成了新一轮冲击.     

“一带一路”框架下中国与中亚国家反极端主义合作

宗教极端主义对“一带一路”影响巨大，不仅威胁海外中国公民和财产安全，破坏地区安全稳定形势，影响项目建设成本和进度，还刺激贩毒等其他犯罪行为。中亚地区的极端主义主要表现为宗教极端主义，形成原因主要有社会环境、个人心理需求、错误的宗教教义和大国博弈等因素。有些人未能系统学习宗教知识却希望在宗教中寻求精神寄托，被极端势力鼓吹的错误宗教教义迷惑，进而加入极端组织并从事带有政治目的极端行为。一些大国出于地缘博弈的目的，资助和培训极端分子，也成为极端势力屡禁不绝的背后推手之一。反对极端主义是中国与中亚国家的重要合作内容，现已具备一定的法律基础，已形成比较有效的区域安全合作理念与模式，并已取得很多具体成果，有效地维护了地区稳定。当前和未来一段时间，双方宜在已有成果和经验教训基础上，综合考虑宗教、地缘与国际法基本原则等因素，继续完善上海合作组织等多边区域国际机制，加强国家宗教事务管理领域合作，利用宗教体系内部的自我管理和净化体系拨乱反正，同时防范个别大国炒作和利用宗教极端势力干扰地区稳定。     

中亚安全和阿富汗毒品

中亚五国独立以后,由于缺乏有效的控制,毒品生产在五国迅速发展.20世纪70年代以后,阿富汗成为世界上最重要的毒品生产国之一,其鸦片生产已占世界总量的3/4,且有一半以上输出到中亚,使这一地区成为重要的毒品生产和转运中心.事实表明,阿富汗和中亚的毒品已与恐怖主义、宗教极端势力结合在一起,严重危害了地区和国家安全.     

2004年的中亚形势

2004年中亚地区形势总体平稳。各国政治局势没有出现大的动荡,但反对派合纵连横动作不断,外部势力也积极介入各国内部事务;经济继续稳步发展,但国家间发展不平衡进一步拉大;对外继续实行大国平衡务实外交政策,区域性合作机制建设小步前进;安全形势遇到新的挑战,自杀式恐怖袭击首次“登陆”中亚地区,宗教极端势力、恐怖势力的活动出现分散化、小型化趋势。一、政治局势稳中有忧2004年中亚各国政治形势基本稳定,但面对新一轮总统更迭期的到来,各派政治力量厉兵秣马,跃跃欲试,朝野间争夺总统权柄的大战一触即发,发生在格鲁吉亚的“玫瑰革命”和…     

试析中亚伊斯兰极端主义的历史文化根源

本文主要从中亚伊斯兰复兴、世俗化和全球化、中亚传统社会与传统文化变迁三个角度考察中亚伊斯兰极端主义产生的根源。中亚伊斯兰教的发展存在"文化断层",导致中亚伊斯兰文化发展缓慢、接受外部伊斯兰世界影响滞后。中亚伊斯兰复兴对中亚伊斯兰极端主义的产生有重要促进作用,推动中亚伊斯兰教发生量变与质变,令伊斯兰激进思想向极端思想演变、原教旨主义组织向极端组织演变。世俗化、全球化对中亚传统伊斯兰社会造成的巨大冲击,"文化全球化"引发出的世俗力量与宗教力量的冲突,成为宗教极端思想、宗教极端势力产生的重要原因。中亚国家独立后,传统社会与传统文化进入解体和重构时期,无论在价值观方面,还是伊斯兰信仰方面都出现了思想裂痕,让宗教极端主义有机可乘,得以内外结合、滋生。     

中亚地区伊斯兰极端宗教势力的回潮和发展

苏联解体后,中亚各国曾出现过伊斯兰宗教势力回潮。近几年,在乌兹别克斯坦、吉尔吉斯斯坦、哈萨克斯坦和塔吉克斯坦等国,带有更加浓厚的极端和激进色彩的宗教势力回潮再度出现,引起了各国领导人和有关部门的高度警惕。     

俄罗斯和中亚地区的非政府组织

9·11事件后，美国等西方势力加大了对俄罗斯、中亚地区非政府组织的利用和支持力度，将其作为推广“民主”的重要手段。俄罗斯和中亚的非政府组织大致有宗教性非政府组织、民族主义非政府组织等七个类型。各种性质的非政府组织的存在一方面有益于中亚各国和俄罗斯的民主化进程，同时，也滋生了极端民族主义、极端宗教主义和恐怖主义，严重损害了这些国家的国家安全。     

中亚"三股势力"再度活跃与我们的战略应对

中亚地区的三股恶势力(国际恐怖主义、宗教极端主义、民族分裂主义)在国际反恐力量的打击下一度受到遏制,但近来又渐趋活跃并进入新的高峰期.面对这一形势,改善并发展与中亚各国关系,强化地区合作组织的反恐职能和加速西部经济发展等,应是我们采取的战略对策.     

Democratization and War in Political Science

This article explores what political science literature has to say about the promises and perils of expanding democratic governance. International relations literature and comparative politics literature both deal with the claim that stable democracies do not fight each other. However, these two strands of literature only to a minor extent exchange research findings on the causes of war. International relations scholars are well aware of the fact that the early stages of democratization in particular may trigger conflict, and they explain that they are referring to the size of a country's power and the distribution of capabilities among the major powers, among other factors. In contrast, comparativists focus on the opening of domestic political space. In a transitional state, open political space fosters elite competition, which cannot be regulated by weak political institutions and therefore may cause civil war. They are less aware of the fact that these internal dynamics may even enhance the risk of political violence beyond territorial borders. Both of these approaches must be used to focus on the consequences of democratization on a regional scale. In ‘bad neighbourhoods’, including the Balkans, the Caucasus, the Middle East and the Great Lakes in Africa, democratization can trigger conflict beyond state frontiers by altering the incentives and opportunities of political actors.     

The Rise of the Extreme Right in Europe

The rise of the extreme right in Europe in recent years is an important political and social phenomenon. On 22 July 2011, a terror attackcarded out by an extreme-right-wing Norwegian zealot shocked the...     

拉美民众意识形态极化趋势及其影响

拉美国家近年来政局不稳的一个重要原因在于民众的意识形态出现了极化的趋势。本文分析了2012—2019年间“美洲晴雨表”中18个拉美国家的数据,发现自2014年以来,持极端意识形态的民众尤其是持极左观点的民众比重出现了显著上升,这主要是受到经济发展形势和各国执政党意识形态两个因素的交互影响。宏观上,以极左民众比重上升为特征的极化趋势主要是受到整个区域经济持续低迷和右翼政府的紧缩性经济政策影响。微观上,本文通过回归分析发现,民众对国家经济形势的判断与其所在国执政党的意识形态共同影响着其极化方向。在右翼执政的国家,民众对国家经济形势的评价越负面,其持极左观点的概率越高,持极右观点的概率越低;在左翼执政的国家,民众对国家经济形势的评价越负面,其持极左观点的概率越低,持极右观点的概率越高。最后,本文讨论了民众意识形态极化对拉美国家政局稳定的影响。本文发现,拉美极端民众尤其是极左民众参加抗议游行的概率显著高于温和民众。这意味着一国的极端民众比重越高,其发生大规模示威游行的概率越高。     

Peace-building and the predatory political economy of insecurity: evidence from Cambodia,East Timor and Afghanistan

International peace-building interventions in post-conflict countries are intended to transform the socio-political context that led to violence and thereby build a stable and lasting peace. Yet the UN's transitional governance approach to peace-building is ill-suited to the challenge of dealing with the predatory political economy of insecurity that often emerges in post-conflict societies. Evidence from peace-building attempts in Cambodia, East Timor and Afghanistan illustrates that the political economy incentives facing domestic elites in an environment of low credibility and weak institutionalisation lead to a cycle of patronage generation and distribution that undermine legitimate and effective governance. As a result, post-conflict countries are left vulnerable to renewed conflict and persistent insecurity. International interventions can only craft lasting peace by understanding the political economy of conflict persistence and the potential policy levers for altering, rather than perpetuating, those dynamics.     

Violence and terror and the extreme right

The author begins by examining Sprinzak's theory of ‘split delegitimization’ and finds that although it provides a persuasive account of why some extreme right groups become so radicalized that they perpetrate acts of terrorism and political violence, its major weakness is that it fails to explain the emergence and long‐term survival of mass parties of the extreme right. The article briefly surveys some of these mass parties and finds that there is no clear correlation between the electoral success of extreme‐right mass parties and the level of terrorism and political violence from small extreme‐right groups. However, the evident ambivalence of mass parties of the far right towards violence, and intensification of the propaganda of violence, racisim and xenophobia are clearly conducive to violence and Terrorism and Political Violence.     

Reification and Theoreticism in the Study of Globalisation,Imperialism and Hegemony: Response to Kiely,Pozo-Martin and Valladão

This commentary critiques the nation-state framework of analysis that informs papers published by Ray Kiely, Gonzalo Pozo-Martin and Alfredo Valladão in a section appearing in the Cambridge Review of International Affairs, 19:2 (2006), on the theme of globalisation, imperialism and hegemony. Kiely, Pozo-Martin and Valladão reify the state and the inter-state system by giving them an agency independent of historical social forces. They fail to put forward a conception of agency and institutions that could address the central problematic of the political management, or rule, of global capitalism. They presuppose a state-based understanding of global politics that ignores the reality of transnational capital and transnational social forces and that reduces global capitalism to international capitalism. We should focus not on states as fictitious macro-agents but on historically changing constellations of social forces operating through multiple institutions, including state apparatuses that are themselves in a process of transformation as a consequence of collective agencies.     

东北亚区域经济合作的政治环境

国际政治环境不仅是一个国家制定内、外政策的依据,更是影响其发展的关键因素。东北亚国际政治环境对于区域经济合作具有重要意义。东北亚这一区域正在经历全球体系中发生的三项重大变革:即,全球化、现代化与国际体系力量核心的转移。这些变革直接影响到区域内的国家之间的关系及其地区内的格局。其中,全球化、国际体系与国家关系的演变对区域合作产生重要的影响。     

The political strategy of external aid

When creating a process of international aid, the definition of a political strategy is critically important. In theory, a government able to deliver services and goods to its population and to guarantee participation in decision-making might not need the presence of international aid. International aid should bridge an existing gap between a government and its own population by adopting a relevant political strategy. This viewpoint proposes a reference framework for international cooperation actors to define their basic political strategy and provides a comprehensive framework for situating different political strategies into a wider approach.     

Choosing to Die: Suicide Bombing and Suicide Protest in South Asia

Scholars tend to attribute the use of suicide protest and suicide bombing to purely rational considerations. In contrast, I argue that conventional understandings of strategy are too narrow and must be expanded to include emotional motivations for political mobilization. “Complex” strategy directly engages both the calculative and emotive understandings of political action. I develop this theory through a comparison of suicide protests and suicide bombings in South Asia, focusing on the emotional content of this extreme tactic. Suicide protests illustrate the importance of pride, sympathy, fear, and shame in political mobilization. I explore the emotional character of suicide in protest through an investigation of two cases: the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam in Sri Lanka (LTTE) and the Narmada Bachao Andolan (NBA) in India.     

Factoral or Sectoral Conflict? Partially Mobile Factors and the Politics of Trade in Imperial Germany

Several recent attempts to understand the politics of trade liberalization and expansion have come under criticism for the way they employ different economic models to identify the positions of domestic political actors. The two approaches most popular among political scientists are the Stolper-Samuelson theorem and the factor-specific model. Each of these economic models builds on extreme assumptions, and each therefore exhibits shortcomings. Rather than engage in a debate purely over the merits and flaws of each, this article builds on the work of Gene Grossman to show that an avenue exists for the development of political models that can encompass both of these approaches, but go beyond the limitations of each as well. I then apply a simpler version of this sort of model to the case of German party politics at the turn of the century to illustrate its potential.