美国对外政策与俄美关系

冷战后特别是“9·11”以来,美国始终谋求巩固由它领导的单极秩序及其超级大国地位,导致许多国家对美作为“世界领袖”的民主性及其管理世界的方法产生了怀疑。目前,俄美之间对共同利益还缺乏一致性的评价,也没有准备好建立平等的战略伙伴关系。其中一个重要原因就是两国对全球化时代的挑战与威胁,以及两国活动中的全球性因素有不同理解。美对外政策使国际关系进一步复杂化,美国应将建立新的国际秩序和确定它在其中的作用尽快提上议事日程。新的国际秩序应该是世界大国重奏“协奏曲”,并使之成为改变当代世界和在各个领域维系平衡的基础。     

Google and Sino-U.S. Relations

U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton＇s speech against Internet censorship on January 21 raised contention with China over cyber policy, which flared after Google Inc. last week warned it could pull out of China over hacking and restrictions. The Google incident has attracted a great deal of attention and become a new hot issue between China-U.S.     

Darfur and Sino-U.S. Relations

The Darfur issue has been influencing the Sino-U.S. relationship since July 2004. There are at least three reasons to say so. Firstly, China and the U.S. disagree,both on the nature of the issue and on its solution. Secondly,China and the U.S. have conflicting interests, especially their oil interests in Sudan and the African continent.Finally, U.S. domestic political forces have forced the issue onto the agenda of Sino-U.S. relations. Although the issue has become an unharmonious factor in the Sino-U.S.relationship, it has not damaged the bilateral relations too much. Instead, the two countries have been cooperating on the issue.     

Ⅲ. Greater Periphery and China, the U.S. and Neighbors

Lu: The world situation tends to be relaxed generally. Big powers often interact, especially in Asia, because China is developing and Asia is developing as well. When we review peripheral and regional situations, we can see it. In China's concept of diplomacy, periphery is put at the foremost position and China's periphery is in a sense the U. S. 'strategic front. Therefore, building a greater peripheral environment,coping well with China's relations with the U.S. and China's Neighbors has a bearing on China's geo-strategic environment. As the issue covers a broad range, let us begin from the greater periphery.     

China-U. S. Economic and Trade Relations

Sino-U. S. economic and trade relations as the most important and dynamic component of bilateral ties have evolved into the stabilizer, pillar and driving force for cementing the linkage between the two capitals. Their furtherance along the designated line of treating a "stake holder" and handling a "constructive partnership" will carry an ever-ballooning strategic significance even in diplomatic and security terms. Nevertheless the general trend looks set to be incessant progress amidst reciprocal accommodation in disregard of occasional twists and turns.     

从"普林斯顿计划"看美国战略新动向

2006年9月出台的“普林斯顿计划”最终报告提出了21世纪的美国国家安全战略——“铸造法治之下的自由世界”,其内容可以概括为三大目标、三种手段、七项主要威胁和挑战。该报告反映了美国战略思想的一些新动向,包括:深化对战略的认识、更加重视非传统安全、战略指导思想转向新自由主义。在对华战略上,该报告主张从中长期出发,建立地区机制来应对中国崛起。“普林斯顿计划”最终报告反映了美国战略思想界对美国21世纪战略走向的新看法,其重要性不容忽视。     

宗教因素与当前中美关系

在西方基督教会全面离开中国60年后的今天,宗教再度成为中美关系中的重要因素.目前中美宗教交往已进入"后传教时代",而且比以往任何时候都更加多样化.中美关系是不断发展的动态关系,即使在一些通常认为是两国关系的"问题"或"结构性分歧"的领域,交流和沟通对促进两国关系具有积极作用.     

China Studies on U.S.Strategy and Sino-U.S.Relations

China＇s policy towards the United States is characterized by ＂multiple systems and multiple voices,＂ but we currently lack a coherent, clear and accurate strategy. As such, Beijing＇s strategy towards Washington is beset with new problems and challenges. The author raises five questions for discussion.     

基督教原教旨主义与美国法律

美国学者约翰·H·加维是研究北美基督教原教旨主义神学理论及基督教原教旨主义运动的权威之一。在对基督教原教旨主义的宗教观、政治主张及其与美国现行法律的冲突进行深入考察之后,他认为基督教原教旨主义者最突出的特征是他们对《圣经》的虔诚并将其视为政治智慧的源泉,他们的观点虽然与美国法律有一定冲突,但并不主张恢复殖民时期马萨诸塞殖民地那种政教合一的政权模式。现将其主要观点摘介如下:一、基督教原教旨主义者的宗教特征(一)个人信仰的虔诚。基督教原教旨主义者提倡个人的宗教虔诚,其突出特征是一种“重浴再生”的思想突变体…     

美国军事战略调整与日美同盟体制

随着布什政府对美军事战略进行重大调整,将全球军事战略的重点转向亚洲,日本在其全球和亚洲战略中的地位和作用日益凸显,加强日美同盟体制已开始步入实质性阶段.而日本力图以日美军事同盟体制为后盾,谋求本国的最大利益.     

美对华战略及中美关系走向

冷战后和21世纪相当长时期内,中美关系将长期保持既接触合作、又矛盾对立的关系,这是由美国对华战略"接触与防范"的双重性决定的.随着中国经济和军事力量的持续增长,美国主张防范、遏制中国的意识将会增强.而今明两年将是决定新世纪初中美关系性质与走向的关键时期.     

美国的亚太战略与中美关系的未来

奥巴马政府将亚太战略作为美全球战略的重中之重,这是冷战后美全球大战略演进与亚太形势发展共同作用的结果,并非完全针对中国,但在其实施过程中针对中国的一面却非常突出。尽管如此,过分强调美亚太战略对中国的挑战不仅会使当前的中美关系更加复杂,还将给两国关系的未来发展带来重大战略风险。中美在亚太实现和平共存,既是确保美亚太战略成功的关键,也是中美长期战略稳定关系的核心议题,并将对亚太乃至全球格局产生深远影响。     

U.S. Misperceptions and China's Chances

China is rising. Will China catch up with or surpass the United States economically and militarily some days? There is no universally accepted answer. The author believes that as long as the United States makes no mistakes, it is unlikely China will catch up with the United States in the foreseeable future. However, based on history and current US policy,there could be mistakes in areas such as anti-terrorism, China policy,immigration, etc. Any error on the part of the US will facilitate China's move to the fore.     

自由主义与美国对外政策

近年来,在美国对外政策思想研究中,国内外学界的关注目光偏重于新保守主义,在一定程度上忽视了自由主义思想,从而落后于美国政治和对外政策舆论方面的某些变迁趋向。本文回顾了自由主义的历史,认为自由主义与现实主义、“杰克逊主义”并列为美国外交思想传统的三大主题,至今在美国仍具有广泛的舆论市场,并在其对外政策中起着重要作用。     

Uganda and U.S. Foreign Policy

Washington's relationships with the “leveraged allies” preferred by realists—those countries that have little choice but to follow America's lead—have long been considered more reliable than in its relationships with the “natural allies” favored by idealists: prosperous, democratic nations that share the goals and interests of the United States. President Bush's foreign policy requires these natural allies, but many U.S. government officials are more wary. Uganda under President Museveni is a model “natural ally” candidate, with its relatively humane and democratic internal policies, but its greater capacity to act without American leverage, approval, or supervision is likely to worry realist career diplomats.     

美国的制裁与叙美关系演变

20世纪 70年代末以来 ,美国的制裁是叙美关系演变中最主要的破坏性因素之一。 80年代 ,在制裁的阴影下 ,受美苏争夺、阿以冲突 ,特别是黎巴嫩问题的影响 ,叙美关系以冲突与对抗为突出特征。以第一次海湾战争为契机 ,叙美关系得到明显改善 ,并在重新启动后的中东和平进程中平稳发展。但美国行政当局与国会的对叙策略不尽相同 ,美国对叙利亚的政策在合作与制裁之间摇摆 ,其核心因素之一是恐怖主义问题。“倒萨攻伊”战争以来 ,叙美关系急剧恶化 ,制裁因素再度“发酵”。